And Now, Back to the War

Despite the hopeful expectations surrounding the 2016 NATO Summit in Warsaw, the 16,500-plus word communique, bilateral meetings with Ukrainian officials, numerous references to condemning Russian aggression and its illegal annexation of Crimea, and urging Moscow to return Crimea, mixed with warm expressions of support for Ukraine in its singlehanded battle with Russian soldiers and mercenaries, the Russo-Ukraine War of 2014-16 did not end.

The war, which has so far claimed more than 10,000 Ukrainian lives, is still raging today as fiercely as it was last month.

UAToday.tv reported on July 12 that the death toll is rising in the eastern Ukrainian warzone.

“Two soldiers killed, another four wounded in the Donbas warzone in the past 24 hours. A day before that three servicemen died and 16 were wounded. Ukraine has been hearing this cheerless news almost every day since the war started. The nights in the conflict region are especially violent, militant weapons almost never go silent.

“A Ukrainian soldier, nom de guerre Kozak: ‘They are trying to trick us. At first you think a machine gun or a rifle is firing but then you realize they are using the sound of shooting to cover the mortar blasts.’

“Ukrainian soldiers endured almost a hundred attacks last night. Sector Mariupol, sector Donetsk, sector Horlivka – the most dangerous hotspots in the once peaceful region. The militants are using all kinds of weapons, often resorting to arms, banned by Minsk.”

Here are several excerpts from Ukraine Crisis Media Center:

Kyiv, July 12, 2016. Militants are shelling ATO troop positions in all the sectors. Russia-backed militant groups attacked 55 times yesterday using heavy armor. There were 8, 22 and 25 attacks in the Luhansk, Mariupol and Donetsk sectors correspondingly, informed the spokesman of the Presidential Administration on ATO related issues Colonel Andriy Lysenko at a press briefing at Ukraine Crisis Media Center.

A Large-scale firefight between ATO troops and militants took place in the Luhansk sector in Stanytsia Luhanska between 3 pm and 5 pm yesterday.

Kyiv, July 11, 2016. Militants are active in all the sectors. Number of militants’ attacks went up in the entire ATO zone yesterday. “Enemy’s activity reached the same level some three months ago, in mid-April. Moreover, the fire became denser. Occupants used mortar launchers and cannons over 40 times yesterday,” informed the spokesman of the Presidential Administration on ATO related issues Colonel Andriy Lysenko at a press briefing at Ukraine Crisis Media Center. 

Firefight between Ukrainian troops and militants lasted 90 minutes in Stanytsia Luhanska, Luhansk sector yesterday. Russia-backed militant groups controlling high bank of the Siverskyi Donetsk River, started shooting at Ukrainian positions in the middle of the night.

Kyiv, July 10, 2016. Ukrainian military intelligence registered formation of militant mobile mortar teams on wheels which plan to shell their own positions and residential quarters in order to discredit Ukrainian Armed Forces and create news opportunities for Russian propaganda, informed the spokesman of the Presidential Administration on ATO related issues Colonel Andriy Lysenko at a press briefing at Ukraine Crisis Media Center.
Armed provocations instigated by Russia-backed militant groups became less numerous in Luhansk sector. Militants used grenade launchers, large machine guns and small arms to shoot at ATO troop positions near Stanytsia Luhanska at night. Moreover, insurgents were shooting near Novooleksandrivka and Novozvanivka during the day.

Kyiv, July 9, 2016. The situation in the Donetsk sector in the ATO zone remains the most difficult. Two thirds of all the attacks are conducted using mortar launchers, mostly 120-mm. The situation was the most restless at the Svitlodarsk bulge, northern outskirts of the temporarily occupied Horlivka and in Avdiivka industrial area, informed the spokesman of the Presidential Administration on ATO related issues Colonel Andriy Lysenko at a press briefing at Ukraine Crisis Media Center. “The enemy launched almost 200 mortar shells at Ukrainian positions last night in these areas. Moreover, brief use of mortar launchers was registered in Troitske, Novoselivka Druha, Pisky and Nevelske,” he said. Militants were actively using armor at the Svitlodarsk bulge, namely in the vicinity of Luhanske settlement. A sniper was active there as well.

Kyiv, July 8, 2016. The total number of explosions the SMM recorded – just one component of ceasefire violations – tripled compared to the previous week, reaching over 3,000, reported Alexander Hug, First Deputy Chief Monitor of the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission in Ukraine at the press-briefing at Ukraine Crisis Media Center.

The spike in violence was especially pronounced on the Svitlodarsk-Debaltseve road, with OSCE recording a 700 percent increase in ceasefire violations compared to the previous week.

Twenty-eight NATO members gathered in the Polish capital, an appropriate free world nod to a former captive nation, to assess global issues since the last iteration. The Russian war in Ukraine, though it wasn’t called that, was high on their list but so were other security issues such as ISIS. The final communique was long on words but short on proposed actions to end the war and bring peace, security and stability to the region.

News media highlighted the hopeful side of the summit by focusing on NATO’s indisputable collective condemnation of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and its support for Ukraine. Some of the headlines that I found include:

“NATO Approves Assistance Package for Ukraine, Condemns Russian Aggression”

“Pledges of Continued Support for Ukraine at NATO summit”

“NATO Leaders Confirm Strong Support for Ukraine”

“NATO Stands in ‘Solidarity’ with Ukraine, Condemns Russia’s War as Warsaw Summit Ends”

As encouraging and needed as these headlines are, I believe that Gabriela Baczynska of Reuters was more on the mark with her assessment.

In a story headlined “Ukraine Wins Pat on the Back – but Little More from NATO Summit,” Baczynska wrote: “Ukraine won promises of continued support at a NATO summit on Saturday but the prospect of Kyiv’s eventual membership of the US-led military alliance seemed as distant as ever as the West seeks a tentative rapprochement with Russia.”

Sad but true.

The NATO Summit condemned Russian aggression against Ukraine and demanded that it abide by the Minsk accords. NATO, the European Union, the US and Canada, and UN have been repeating this for more than two years without any effects. Russian troops and armament as well as mercenary terrorists continue crossing Ukraine’s border, attempting to annex at least two Ukrainian oblasts just like it did Crimea.

The summit participants condemned Russian annexation of the Crimean peninsula and emphasized that NATO will never recognize this illegal occupation. While words of denunciation are recorded for history’s sake, Russia is turning the former Ukrainian resort community into an arsenal of nuclear and conventional weapons that is strategically situated in warm waters with easy access to the Mediterranean.

Furthermore, NATO said: “Russia bears full responsibility for the serious deterioration of the human rights situation on the Crimean peninsula, in particular the discrimination against the Crimean Tatars and other members of local communities. We demand that the Russian de facto authorities take the necessary measures to ensure the safety, rights, and freedoms of everyone living on the peninsula. International monitoring structures must be allowed to carry out their essential work in view of the protection of human rights. We condemn Russia’s ongoing and wide-ranging military build-up in Crimea, and are concerned by Russia’s efforts and stated plans for further military build-up in the Black Sea region.”

Again, this has been said on numerous occasions by a host of regional, national and global leaders. Russia has not budged.

Indeed, NATO was supportive of Ukraine: “An independent, sovereign, and stable Ukraine, firmly committed to democracy and the rule of law, is key to Euro-Atlantic security.  We stand firm in our support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders and Ukraine’s right to decide its own future and foreign policy course free from outside interference, as set out in the Helsinki Final Act.  We strongly condemn Russia’s aggressive actions against Ukraine and its continued violation of international law and its international obligations, which have serious implications for the stability and security of the entire Euro-Atlantic area.”

Noting that Ukraine is a “long-standing and distinctive partner of the Alliance,” NATO praised Kyiv for its internal achievements and it encouraged the Poroshenko Administration to stay committed to its reforms.

The NATO members praised Ukraine for its military accomplishments and participation in the alliance’s projects. They welcomed Ukraine’s intent to further deepen its Distinctive Partnership with NATO, as well as its past and present contributions to NATO-led operations and the NATO Response Force even while it has been defending itself against Russia’s aggressive actions. Recognition that Ukraine is defending itself against Russia is noted, however, it should be pointed out that Kyiv is defending its country singlehandedly. Ukrainian soldiers are also fighting and dying on the frontlines of defending the former captive nations and Europe.

The summit communique continued: “Ukraine’s choice to adopt and implement NATO principles and standards, for which its Strategic Defense Bulletin provides a roadmap, will promote greater interoperability between our forces.  The Lithuanian-Polish-Ukrainian Brigade is an important element of this effort.  It will also enhance Ukraine’s ability to better provide for its own security, through functioning security and defense institutions under civilian democratic control that are accountable, sustainable, and effective.”

The brigade is more than an “important element,” it is an essential component of the self-defense strategy the former captive nations. If NATO remains lukewarm in defending them against any Russian threat, then this brigade will have to fill in the void.

The summit participants called on all signatories to the Minks accords to completely live up to their commitments, but they pointed out that Russia “bears significant responsibility” for violations.

“Despite its declared commitment to the Minsk Agreements, Russia continues its deliberate destabilization of eastern Ukraine, in violation of international law.  Russia continues to provide weapons, equipment, and personnel, as well as financial and other assistance to militant groups, and to intervene militarily in the conflict. We are extremely concerned by the destabilization and deteriorating security situation in eastern Ukraine. We call on Russia to desist from aggressive actions and to use its considerable influence over the militants to meet their commitments in full, especially to allow for the observation of the ceasefire regime, implementation of confidence-building measures, and disarmament.”

These observations merely repeat the earlier condemnations and pleas, without offering anything new, not even the suggestion of a threat or a deadline.

Oddly, in view of Russia’s war against Ukraine, its violation of UN Charter and resolutions, international law, and persecution of human and religious rights of its citizens, NATO maintains its commitment to finding a peaceful solution to Russia’s “conflict” with Ukraine and “reintegration” of seized Ukrainian territories.

Furthermore, the alliance will continue communicating “clearly our positions, with the crisis in and around Ukraine being, in current circumstances, the first topic on our agenda.  We remain open to a periodic, focused and meaningful dialogue with a Russia.”

The alliance has been talking with Russia for more than two years without any change in Moscow’s attitude. Russia is conducting its foreign relations with impunity.

“The Alliance does not seek confrontation and poses no threat to Russia. But we cannot and will not compromise on the principles on which our Alliance and security in Europe and North America rest. NATO will continue to be transparent, predictable and resolute,” it continued.

In other words, Putin and the Kremlin can do what they want and suffer nothing more than a tongue lashing. Apparently, even the much-warranted sanctions are not having an effect.

True appreciation of Russia’s regional and global threat is unfortunately lost on NATO and its free world partners. But, the view from the former captive nations is diametrically different.

President of Lithuania Dalia Grybauskaite is an ardent advocate of Ukraine and disparager of Russia. Grybauskaite said in an interview with Spiegel that she doesn’t exclude a Russian invasion in Baltics. She said the West has to take Putin's paranoia seriously, as the Russian president considers all post-Soviet countries his property.

“Putin’s idea is to return all states of the former Soviet Union under Russia's influence,” the Lithuanian president said. “He wants to restore the old Russia’s former size. This is his paranoia, and we have to take it seriously.

Grybauskaite added the Kremlin is using military means, propaganda, economic pressure where it sees weak points.

Concessions to Moscow, including even the hint of a roll-back of anti-Russian sanctions, would increase the threat to Europe’s security, said Grybauskaite commenting on the European Union’s decision to extend for another six months the economic sanctions against Russia.

“Any indulgence will only encourage Russia’s aggressive policy and increase the threat to the security of Ukraine and the whole Europe,” Grybauskaite was quoted as saying by her press office.

Disunity among the EU and NATO partners is also fodder for Russia’s aggressive ambitions. The US and Canada are immovable in their commitments to Ukraine and major EU countries are at least supportive. Only demurring France is the weak link. On Friday, July 8, French President Francois Hollande said: “NATO has no role at all to be saying what Europe’s relations with Russia should be. For France, Russia is not an adversary, not a threat. Russia is a partner which, it is true, may sometimes, and we have seen that in Ukraine, use force, which we have condemned when it annexed Crimea.”

Ivanna Klympush-Tsintsadze, Ukraine’s vice-premier for European Integration, has warned the West that it will make a serious mistake if it doesn’t treat seriously the security environment in the region. “The West needs to make a very strategic, long-term choice and not look for any excuses today to turn away from Ukraine,” she said.

Without going back and forth many times, NATO and the free world would do better if they repeated President Poroshenko’s terse advice about how to bring the Russo-Ukraine War of 2014-16 to an end.

After the briefing at the NATO summit in Warsaw, Russian journalists came to the Ukrainian president asking when the elections will be held in Donbas.

Poroshenko stopped in front of them and cold-heartedly replied:

“As soon as Russians will cease killing Ukrainians, as soon as Russian occupation troops will withdraw from the territory of Ukraine.”

NATO reluctantly patted Ukraine on its head like a nuisance-child, hoping that it would go away. But the alliance is the only serious global venue that can protect Ukraine and the other x-captive nations from Russian aggression so it can’t leave its doorstep until it’s allowed it.

Poroshenko-Kerry Press Meeting: Tone Down the Cheers

The press encounter for President Petro Poroshenko and Secretary of State John Kerry on Wednesday, July 7, in Kyiv offered more disturbing information and insights about US-Ukraine-Russia affairs than encouraging ones.

The only positive outcome was the announcement that sanctions will be continued against Russia for being an international bully and invading Ukraine from the south and east. But this was already known a couple of weeks ago so Poroshenko and Kerry merely created news and headlines by capitalizing on old information.

Sadly, the entire event resembled a lesson in how not to offend Moscow while heaping oft-repeated demands and platitudes on Ukraine about how much progress Kyiv is making in becoming a virtuous country. We’ve also heard Vice-President Joe Biden make these remarks in Kyiv and Washington.

The single preposterously impudent remark at the encounter was made by Kerry, who said in reply to a reporter’s question:

“Now, I think that it is necessary to find a path forward that unites the interests of the parties in a way that is fair and sensible, and provides assurance to both sides – to all sides, because there’s more than one, or two – that the requirements of Minsk are in fact being met and being met in a way that gives everybody an assurance that their needs are going to be satisfied.”

Kerry was referring to moving toward a successful fulfillment of the Minsk truce. In order to do so, Ukraine’s allies in this process must first recognize that Russia is the aggressor and criminal while Ukraine is the victim that was violated by an armed invasion, killings of civilians and soldiers, destruction of cities and towns, and occupation of sovereign, indivisible territory.

Consequently, the United States should not accentuate equality between Ukraine and Russia. There is no unity of interests; there are no ways that are fair and sensible that provide assurance to all sides; and there is only one violator of the Minsk accords and transgressor of UN and global laws and norms. The final resolution shouldn’t attempt to assure everyone that their needs will be satisfied because they can’t be. Russia is intent on re-subjugating Ukraine and the other former captive nations and rebuilding its prison of nations. The free world should do what’s possible to deflect Russia from that goal.

Kerry referred to parity between Moscow and Kyiv during his prepared remarks when he discussed “the situation in eastern Ukraine.” Sadly, the Russo-Ukraine War of 2014-16 in the minds’ of world leaders has deteriorated from a conflict to a situation. Denying the obvious, avoiding calling it a war, and evading panic-inspiring references to Russia being similar to Nazi Germany will not bring peace to the region sooner.

The Secretary of State naively stated that Putin has “indicated that he does have a desire to try to see this process move forward, as does President Obama.” Is there verified evidence of that desire? If Putin possesses such a desire, then the war that he launched would be over and peace would reign in the region.

There is no reason to give the Russian dictator such undeserving credit by saying “And so we are hopeful that in the days ahead, that we will in fact be able to translate those expressions of hope and words in the telephone call into real actions that will make a difference.”

Kerry reiterated Washington’s commitment to returning Crimea, the first victim of Russian aggression in February 2014, to Ukraine’s sovereignty but he prefaced his comment by saying “Russia’s move to Crimea.” Move? Again he’s hiding behind antiseptic words.

Kerry also repeated a list of Ukraine’s accomplishments since establishing sovereign independence 25 years ago, noting that its “democratic potential is far brighter today.”

He said in the past 70 days the Verkhovna Rada approved constitutional amendments to reinforce judicial independence, eliminated wasteful subsidies, and began implementing a broad civil service reform. “In any country, anywhere, at any time, that’s a pretty significant agenda and a pretty significant set of accomplishments. But here, where there still continues to be difficulties with respect to security, it’s even more profound a statement of purpose and of commitment and of accomplishment.

“So Ukraine is undeniably moving forward, but I think we all agree that the job isn’t done. More has yet to be done to strengthen Ukraine’s democracy,” Kerry said.

Even a cursory ready of daily newspapers would show that “more has yet to be done” is an admonition that can be applied to any country on earth.

As world leaders and pundits have noted, Ukraine is singlehandedly endeavoring to build a democratic, market-oriented existence for itself; combat corruption and a soviet mentality; and fight for its life against the world’s greatest military machine – Russia.

Ukraine would be able to overcome these internal and external calamities faster if the US and free world would genuinely step up to the plate with far more assistance and understanding than they’re exhibiting today.

President Poroshenko, for his part, in addition to thanking the United States for its help, made one notable observation. In replying to a reporter’s question about his level of optimism, Ukraine’s commander in chief openly referred to the conflict or situation as “a state of war.” Too bad others didn’t take note of it.

“And your question, am I optimistic enough – look, I offer you the confidential information: This is impossible to be the president in a country in a state of war and not to be optimistic, because this is the only way to return Ukrainian flag to the occupied territory. Yes, I am optimistic, and I think that we can reach the result in a very short period of time with the support of our partners and allies,” Poroshenko said.

Warsaw is the venue for the NATO Summit, which was addressed during the meeting with the press. Kerry said the US has an open door policy about allowing new members to join the Atlantic alliance but added “when they are ready.” Ukraine is making progressive with military modernization but not fast enough, he said.

I wonder if this doesn’t mean that Ukraine’s membership will be put off indefinitely until Russia acquiesces to Ukraine’s active participation in this military bloc.

With the free world hoping against hope that the Minsk accords will return peace to the region and mollify the former captive nations’ fears about deeper Russian aggression, the germs of Russian subversion, terrorism, sedition and treason will spread their roots from eastern Ukraine and Crimea to all of Ukraine. The free world must support Ukraine in subduing and expelling Russian troops and terrorists from Ukraine, and then capture and prosecute all of the seditious, secessionist traitors just like the leaders of the Confederate States of America were here in 1865.

We, in the free world, especially the United States, must not be so servile as to accept any official quasi-positive comment about Ukraine without subjecting it to a scratch test. We must be more demanding of our elected officials to avoid needless clichés but rather insist that they provide Ukraine with critical frontline support that will defend Ukraine and Euro-Atlantic countries from Russian and others’ aggression.

These are not Cold War fears but 21^st century realities.

In Memory of Vasyl Slipak, Ukrainian Hero

Vasyl Slipak would have been honored to be remembered and acclaimed for his operatic accomplishments on the stage of the Paris Opera. He had lived in the French capital for 19 years, where he had been honing his musical skills.

Vasyl would have been ecstatic to have been favorably reviewed in such vaunted daily newspapers as The New York Times and The Washington Post.

Vasyl, a native of Lviv, loved to sing and had done so since his youth. He was a member of that western Ukrainian city’s famous boys’ choir called “Dudaryk,” which means young piper. He was with the chorus when it toured Ukrainian communities in the United States in the summer of 1990.

Vasyl attained high esteem but not until he returned to Ukraine and exchanged the opera stage for the bloody frontline of Ukraine’s war with Russia. On Wednesday, June 29, Vasyl’s life was cut short at the age of 41 by a sniper’s bullet. That’s when The New York Times, The Washington Post and a host of other non-Ukrainian periodicals wrote about his heroic life and death.

My friend from Lviv, Valeriy, a retired airborne officer, who has been sharing with me his observations the war, offered a few of his thoughts about Vasyl and the Russian invasion.

Valeriy wrote that when the Russo-Ukraine War of 2014-16 began, Vasyl returned to Ukraine to provide assistance to the war effort. At first he transported supplies, ammunition and first aid. Then, according to Vasyl’s own words, he decided to go the extra mile by joining one of the volunteer units fighting Russian regular troops and terrorists in eastern Ukraine in order to learn better what has been happening there. Vasyl became a machine gunner.

“He served on the front line for two years, and he was killed in battle, repelling an attack by muscovite soldiers,” Valeriy recounted.

“Last rites for the hero were first conducted in the town of Dnipro, led by the local mayor and Vasyl’s comrades in arms. And then, last Friday, in Lviv, where countless people turned out to pay their last respects. The hero was interred in the historic Lychakiv cemetery, in the Pantheon of Heroes. Such a loss, so sad,” wrote Valeriy.

My friend quoted a comment by Oleksandr Babchenko, who he called a rare “normal” Russian journalist, who had stated that dregs of society, or in his words, car washers, make up the Russian army in Moscow’s war against Ukraine. While the finest sons of Ukraine fight and die in defense of their country.

Indeed, Vasyl joins the ranks of other heroic sons and daughters of Ukraine who fight and have been killed in Russia’s undeclared war with Ukraine, including 55-year-old Ukrainian American Mark Paslawsky, an investment banker from New Jersey, who gave up his day job to fight for Ukraine and died of his battlefield wounds on August 19, 2014.

“Unfortunately, our soldiers are killed almost every day, except no one reads about them. Scarcity of statistics,” Valeriy wrote.

Vasyl’s death brings to mind another striking contrast between victim Ukraine and criminal Russia. In Ukraine, each soldier, killed in action, is brought home to be buried in his parish cemetery with complete military and civilian honors. Family, friends, neighbors and plain Ukrainians line the road the hearse takes to the final resting place. Military bands, comrades in arms and Ukrainian Catholic or Orthodox priests officiate. Mothers and wives have the privilege of shedding tears and mourning for their loved ones.

In Russia, Putin has denied mothers and wives the privilege of shedding tears and mourning for their loved ones because they are buried in secret if they are buried at all in Russia.

The sniper who killed Vasyl was promoted on Russian television until one day, when he met his death at the hands of Vasyl’s frontline buddies.

Valeriy also wrote that in the meantime, the enemy is actively preparing for the final battle, mobilizing its troops, weapons, ammunitions, artillery, tanks and logistics. He said the daily skirmishes that we read about are merely reconnaissance battles or probes to test the preparedness and strength of the Ukrainian armed forces, National Guard and volunteer battalions.

“Right now, Putin and his junta are doing everything possible to inflame Ukraine from the inside, according to military experts. But they know every well that these skirmishes and clashes will not lead to their desired result, so they are also preparing for an ultimate, massive invasion,” Valeriy wrote.

Vasyl Slipak, Mark Paslawsky and Nadiya Savchenko are well known contemporary Ukrainian heroes, patriots and nationalists among thousands of comrades fighting and dying for Ukraine. Hopefully, their sacrifice will serve as a wake-up call to the free world to stand up and do more to subdue Russia.

75 Years ago Ukrainian Nation Re-established Statehood

Seventy-five years ago, on June 30, 1941, during World War II, when Ukraine was sandwiched between two likeminded, murderous invaders, Soviet Russia from the east and Nazi Germany from the west, the leadership of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), led by Stepan Bandera and Yaroslav Stetsko, gave the nation hope for a better, free, democratic future by bravely declaring independence and re-establishing a country called Ukraine.

“By the will of the Ukrainian people, the OUN (B) under the leadership of Stepan Bandera proclaims the formation of the Ukrainian State for which whole generations of the finest sons of Ukraine have laid down their lives…,” the declaration stated in part. The full text was read triumphantly that day in the town square in the western Ukrainian city of Lviv and broadcast to other towns and communities.

The declaration came just eight days after Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia, allies until then, launched a war against each other. This heroic proclamation was immediately denounced by Moscow and Berlin and followed by bloody reprisals against the leadership of the OUN and the Ukrainian population.

The Nazis and Soviets were unwavering in their determination to annihilate everyone associated with the OUN. On July 12, 1941, the Nazis arrested Stetsko and demanded that Bandera immediately revoke the proclamation. When Bandera refused, he too was arrested and was sent to the Sachsenhausen concentration camp in Germany where he remained until 1944. By December 1942, Hitler personally recommended the “most brutal means” to eliminate all, even women and children, supporters of the OUN. Within two years of the declaration, the Nazis had imprisoned or killed 80% of OUN-B leadership.

Opponents and other naysayers have been claiming since then that the Declaration Re-establishing Ukrainian Statehood was a minor event, initiated by a small group of desperate rabble rousers. If it was an insignificant declaration by insignificant individuals, would Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia have directed their massive killing machines to hunt and exterminate the OUN leadership, members, fighters and supporters? For Berlin and Moscow, defeating Ukrainian freedom fighters mobilized in the OUN’s Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) was a task equal to winning World War II.

“Clearly apparent is the German tendency to resolve all internal Ukrainian questions, including the Jewish question, by means of police methods, with violence and terror,” according to the monumental historical publication “Litopys UPA.” “The documents published here clearly show that for German police officials, enemy number one was the OUN (B), the members of which were subject to police surveillance, arrest and extermination, especially after the Act of June 30, 1941.”

Meanwhile, clandestine OUN members and UPA soldiers singlehandedly fought both Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia and managed to inflict heavy causalities on their armies.

Yaroslav Stetsko was selected to serve as the provisional prime minister of a temporary government that included 27 Ukrainian political leaders of many political affiliations from both western and eastern regions of Ukraine. I point out “provisional” and “temporary” because the founding fathers of Ukrainian independent statehood 75 years ago understood that their historic task was not destined to exist forever. Once the war ended, they planned to establish a democratic Ukrainian state with the seat of government in Kyiv – the historical capital of Ukraine.

The creators also acknowledged that they are not beginning history from themselves and consequently chose to call the declaration a re-establishment or renewal of independent Ukrainian statehood in recognition of previous similar acts. On January 22, 1918, during World War I, Ukrainian political leaders in Kyiv declared an independent Ukrainian National Republic, and on November 1, 1918, Ukrainian political leaders in Lviv declared an independent Western Ukrainian National Republic. Both parts merged into one sovereign, indivisible, independent Ukrainian National Republic on January 22, 1919.

Still another Ukrainian re-affirmation of independence came on March 15, 1939, some six months before Nazi Germany invaded Poland and ignited World War II, when Transcarpathian Ukrainian patriots declared their independence from Hungary. The war that ensued against Nazi Germany’s Hungarian allies pre-dated World War II and was the first military engagement against Berlin by a European nation.

The Declaration Re-establishing Ukrainian Statehood was supported by the leaders of Ukrainian Churches, including Archbishop-Metropolitan Andrei Shepytsky of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, Metropolitan Bishop Polikarp Sikorsky of the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church and Bishop Hryhoriy Khomyshyn Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church.

The declaration is generally a little known fact about Ukraine’s struggle for liberation, even among its supporters around the world. The act and the subsequent war against Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia, which some cynics have ridiculed as a suicidal fight, proved that the Ukrainian nation, even when facing overwhelming enemies, will not kowtow to their demands and negotiate independence by collaboration. The momentous declaration substantiated the Ukrainian nation’s undying will to fight all aggressors for a better tomorrow for the people.

For Ukrainians, the declaration 75 years ago and the other three acts have served as a source of national inspiration, encouragement, motivation and hope right up to the latest declaration of independence on August 24, 1991. These acts have also motivated the brave men and women of the Revolution of Dignity two years ago and all of the fighters for Ukrainian independence against today’s Russian invaders.

The Declaration Re-establishing Ukrainian Statehood and the other proclamations will go on inspiring Ukrainians for generations to come.

Glory to Ukraine!

Glory to the Heroes!

EU Extends Sanctions vs. Russia but There’s a Downside

The good news is that a week ago the European Union extended for a year sanctions against recidivist Russia for invading Ukraine and occupying Crimea, crimes that have been denounced by most democracies.

The bad news is that the world changed a week later, with Britain’s vote to abandon the European Union. And Italy, among other conciliatory countries, bollixed implementation with a demand to include in the EU conclusions a commitment to review Russian policies later this year, according to RFE/RL. Does Rome think Moscow will change its stripes in a few months, observe the Minsk accords and withdraw from Ukraine?

The EU Council had declared in a statement that it “does not recognize and continues to condemn the illegal annexation of Crimea and Sevastopol by the Russian Federation and will remain committed to fully implement its non-recognition policy.” Therefore sanctions against Russia were to be prolonged.

Then, almost immediately after the announcement, old Europe – in contrast to new Europe or the x-captive nations – began to tremble in its boots and moan that life would actually be better if countries could resume normal multilateral relations with Russia. Apparently, they are choosing to disregard Moscow’s ongoing flagrant violations of UN resolutions and global law and order. Old Europe began to express optimistic anticipation of the day when sanctions would be lifted against Russia.

The sanctions, now extended until June 23, 2017, prohibit imports of products from Crimea, any investment there, cooperation in tourism services as well as exports of some goods and services to the peninsula.

The renewed sanctions include prohibitions on:

• imports of products originating in Crimea or Sevastopol into the EU;

• investment in Crimea or Sevastopol, meaning that no Europeans nor EU-based companies can buy real estate or entities in Crimea, finance Crimean companies or supply related services; 

• in Crimea or Sevastopol, meaning that no Europeans nor EU-based companies can buy real estate or entities in Crimea, finance Crimean companies or supply related services;

• tourism services in Crimea or Sevastopol, in particular, European cruise ships cannot call at ports in the Crimean peninsula, except in case of emergency;     

• exports of certain goods and technologies to Crimean companies or for use in Crimea in the transport, telecommunications and energy sectors and related to the prospection, exploration and production of oil, gas and mineral resources. Technical assistance, brokering, construction or engineering services related to infrastructure in these sectors must not be provided either.

The EU, or what is left of it, is due this week to extend until the end of 2016 another set of broader economic sanctions on Russia over its war with Ukraine. European diplomatic sources revealed reluctantly that the economic sanctions will likely be extended for another six months from end-July on the grounds that Russia has failed to live up to its commitments to the truce accords.

The Russo-Ukraine War of 2014-16 has pushed relations between Moscow and the West to new lows, leading some naively optimistic European countries to look for ways to repeal them by reviewing the broader policy toward Moscow in the second half of the year.

Signs of an about face on the continent are mushrooming. A high-profile visit to Russia has been scheduled by European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker and European leaders flocked to Putin’s St. Petersburg Economic Forum last weekend.

Italy is calling for “political reflection” on the impact of the Russian sanctions — code for doubting its wisdom. Others have signaled that for now, while the continent is dealing with its other crises such as refugees, ISIS and Brexit, Russian belligerence is not on top of its to-do list.

Italy has been making the case that Russia is a worthy neighbor and its help and cooperation are needed in tackling key shared problems, such as the Islamic State terror threat. Europe’s doves should note that Russia – tsarist, communist and federal – has also been known to invade its neighbors.

One senior European official was quoted as saying that Italy, Greece and Hungary favor more frequent discussions of the Russia sanctions, which should be reviewed every six months in hopes that Moscow would demonstrate incremental fulfillment of the accords which would then bolster their insistence of relieving Russia of that burden.

Both the United Kingdom and France agreed to the extension of sanctions, but only with a so-called parliamentary reserve. That means the ambassadors must first consult their national parliaments on the issue before signing off on the extension of sanctions. EU diplomats told RFE/RL they have no doubt about the eventual extension of the sanctions, which would target Russia’s banking and energy sectors as well as individuals in Russia.

But Italy’s latest demand means a final decision on extending the sanctions against Russia is likely to be postponed until after the current gathering of EU leaders.

German officials are also throwing a monkey wrench into the process. German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier has criticized sanctions against Russia, saying that the all-or-nothing approach has failed to yield results in Ukraine and that Europe should consider a gradual easing of sanctions if Russia makes progress on implementing the Minsk agreements. By criticizing the sanctions, Steinmeier is undermining the policy itself and Chancellor Angela Merkel’s position as a leading voice in handling the crisis.

"Sanctions are not an end in themselves. They should rather give incentives for a change in behavior," Steinmeier told the RedaktionsNetzwerk Deutschland, a network of local newspapers. So far Steinmeier and other likeminded leaders are expressing unsubstantiated hopes about Moscow’s transformation.

Indeed, Russia refuses to implement the Minsk truce but sanctions, as fruitless as they are in forcing Russia to withdraw from Ukraine must be maintained as a sign of global unity and strength in the face of Russia’s persistent lawlessness.

The suggestion of a gradual approach to sanctions will not change the situation for the better. Since it launched the war in February 2014, Moscow’s strategy in Ukraine has run opposite to its obligations in the accords as well as UN resolutions and global law and order. Russia continues to enflame the war in the eastern Ukraine in hopes of destabilizing Ukraine and forcing Kyiv to grant veto power to Russia’s proxies or, better yet, lead to a collapse of the Ukrainian government. As for Crimea, Russia is converting the Ukrainian peninsula into a military base with nuclear weapons. Russian recalcitrance and global anarchy, coupled with Europe’s weakness, and compounded by Brexit, will ultimately contribute to a historic political division of Europe that will have a ripple effect on NATO and the x-captive nations’ belief that EU and NATO can defend them against Russian imperialism.

Putin’s embrace of Juncker and Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi in St. Petersburg last weekend is part of this effort, as was his recent visit to Greece and Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov’s visit to Hungary.

Earlier this month the French Senate passed a resolution urging the government to gradually reduce the economic sanctions against Russia. Ambassador of France to Ukraine Isabelle Dumont explained the meaning of this resolution and the current state of Ukraine-France relations: “If you actually look into the text carefully, the very beginning of the text recalls that France doesn’t recognize annexation of Crimea, recalls that Russia used force in the Donbas region and in Crimea, those are extremely important points. It also says that sanctions should be little by little lifted depending on the capacity of the parties to implement the Minsk agreement.”

“[The resolution] at the same time also says that the Russian countersanctions are harming EU economies [...]. And that is why there is really a need to go further on the implementation of the Minsk agreements. But again protecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine is extremely important for us.”

You can’t have it both ways. You can’t endorse sanctions and then soften its affect with hopeful expectations of a reformed Russia. Moscow is the perpetrator; Ukraine the victim. The EU can’t protect Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity while lifting sanctions against the perpetrator.

Not surprisingly, Austria is also leaning toward giving Russia a break. Austria’s foreign minister said last Sunday it was time for the European Union to make an effort to identify common ground with Russia.

“I believe that we should gradually come to a modus in which for every implementation of the Minsk Protocol, for every single step, sanctions will gradually be lifted in return,” Sebastian Kurz said in a discussion at ORF TV.

Putin has been weaseling his way into the midst of myopic European leaders with a stick and carrot behavior that can tear apart the European Union faster than Brexit. Speaking last week at the forum in St. Petersburg, Putin understandably criticized the sanctions for damaging Russian-European relations but noted that Moscow is forgivingly willing to improve business ties with Europe. He urged the EU to meet his government halfway.

Putin said Russia is ready for a fresh start — if the EU plays its part which means kowtowing to Moscow. The Russian leader also repeatedly reminds the free world that he will never give back Crimea. Will Europe be consequential with its policies?

“We hold no grudge and are willing to reach out to our European partners but obviously this can’t be a one-sided game,” Putin said, emphasizing that it was the EU’s introduction of sanctions which have led to the “collapse” in relations.

Putin’s softer, teasing language no doubt has struck a receptive chord with Europe’s doves. The free world could raise the stakes against Russia but if Europe is wishy-washy on fulfillment, Moscow won’t be swayed.

Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko meanwhile said he welcomed the EU’s decision to extend the sanctions. “We will continue fighting until Russia frees Ukraine’s Crimea and Ukraine’s Donbas,” Poroshenko said on Facebook.

The fate of the free world depends on the end of hostilities and freedom of Crimea and Donbas, where Ukrainians are singlehandedly fighting and shedding their blood for Europe in a war with Russia.

US Ambassador-Designate to Ukraine:  Strong Ally

Ukraine has been fortunate to have supportive US Ambassadors since it re-established independent statehood, beginning with Ukrainian American Roman Popadiuk. Ambassador-designate Marie L. Yovanovitch fits that mold rather well.

In her testimony before the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee on Tuesday, June 21, Yovanovitch, a career foreign service officer, demonstrated knowledge about US and Ukrainian issues as well as their interdependence. She was also quick to point out an affinity for ethnic American matters.

Yovanovitch serves as dean of the School of Language Studies at the Department of State’s Foreign Service Institute, a position she has held since 2014, according to her official biography. She has extensive leadership and management experience, having previously served twice as an ambassador. She also has broad and deep expertise, gained from numerous assignments working on the region, including as principal deputy assistant secretary and deputy assistant secretary in the Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs, and as deputy chief of mission in Ukraine. Yovanovitch served as US ambassador to Armenia (2008-11) and US Ambassador to Kyrgyzstan (2005-08) and Deputy Chief of Mission at US Embassy Kyiv (2001-04). She earned a BA from Princeton University and a MS in Strategic Studies from the National War College. She speaks Russian and some French.

From the outset of her statement, Yovanovitch emphasized that her mission will be to work with Congress and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee “to continue our strong support for the Ukrainian people, enhance our already deep bilateral relationship, support Ukraine’s reform agenda, and protect its sovereignty and territorial integrity. These steps will be critical to advancing our shared goal of a Europe whole, free, and at peace.”

With these words, Yovanovitch demonstrated a commitment to the importance of US-Ukrainian bilateral relationships and the need to perpetuate them. She understands that Ukraine is moving forward with its important reform agenda regardless of the current dire circumstances in and around the country. Finally, above all is the need to protect Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, which were recently brutally violated by Russia. Consequently, she said, if these issues are nurtured, then Europe will enjoy the resulting benefits of being whole, free and at peace.

These are significant concepts for a US official to enunciate and for the world to take to heart.

With her 88-year-old mother in attendance, in a touching tribute to her parents, Yovanovitch said their experiences under Communist and Nazi regimes changed their lives forever just as they did the lives of Ukrainian Americans. She recalled that her parents immigrated to the United States in search of freedom, opportunity, dignity and accountability “the very values that Ukrainians demanded in the 2014 Revolution of Dignity,” recognizing the sacrifice of more than one hundred Ukrainians in ousting Viktor Yanukovych, Putin’s minion, and pulling the Ukrainian nation away from Russian subjugation.

Yovanovitch paid tribute to Ukraine’s important progress on reforms in the two years since the Revolution of Dignity. “And I am especially optimistic about Ukraine’s reform trajectory this year, given several key achievements since the reformation of the coalition and government in April,” she said, singling out the overwhelming approval of constitutional amendments to strengthen judicial independence.

“These reform achievements are all the more impressive given that they have come in the face of Russian aggression,” Yovanovitch said, nudging US officials and world leaders to appreciate that all of Ukraine’s accomplishments are reached at a time of an undeclared war with its historic enemy. Therefore, if Ukraine’s reforms are too slow or incomplete, don’t take its leaders to the woodshed just yet.

Her simple declaration that “The best defense against Russian aggression is a successful Ukraine” should be etched in concrete in Kyiv, Washington and even Moscow. A modern, democratic, market oriented, successful Ukraine, with a well-educated population that shines with national pride, and builds confidence in global partners near and far would be a sought after ally and trading partner.

Composing a to-do list, Yovanovitch reminded US and Ukrainian officials that “Ukraine still has to implement difficult changes such as: taking further steps to root out corruption; advancing energy sector reform; recapitalizing and reforming the banking system; working to improve the business climate by levelling the playing field; improving accountability and civilian control in the defense sector; reforming the PGO and justice sector; and breaking the hold of oligarchs over Ukrainian politics and business. Ukraine must also continue to adhere to IMF conditions and ensure that the $17.5 billion program continues.”

Fair enough.

Returning to the Revolution of Dignity, the ambassador-designate thanked Congress for its commitment and support by providing assistance to Ukraine, which has been critical to “making real changes in the lives of Ukrainians and delivering on the promise of the Maidan.” Indeed, a subtle reminder for national leaders in Kyiv to exorcise corruption, arrest former government crooks like Yanukovych, and fulfill accession to the European Union.

Yovanovitch reiterated that the US has provided Ukraine with $1.3 billion in assistance since 2014 as it continues to support Ukrainian civil society and independent media, “which help Ukrainian citizens hold their government accountable to its reform pledges.” Ukrainian civil society has been traditionally vibrant and in the forefront of serving as the nation’s watch dog against government abuses.

With Congress’ support, the US has been able to provide Ukraine with $600 million in security assistance, she said. “Just as we stand firmly behind the Ukrainian people in their efforts to transform their nation, we stand with Ukraine as it seeks to reform its military, stop further Russian aggression, bring the conflict in the Donbas to a peaceful conclusion via the Minsk agreements, and end the occupation of Crimea,” Yovanovitch pointed out.

Again, she broached the key points of stopping Russian aggression, ending the conflict – I prefer to call it a war – in Donbas and end the occupation of Crimea. Yovanovitch repeated a few times that the US will never recognize Russia’s illegal occupation of Crimea and the sanctions will continue. She said Washington’s goal is restoring peace to eastern Ukraine by implementing the Minsk agreements.

Realistically, that alone will not result in the hoped for conclusion. Russia must be subdued and forced to withdraw its armed forces from Ukraine. Otherwise, Russian terrorism will spread west to Eastern Europe.

“Ukraine has lived up to many Minsk commitments already. But Russia and the separatists have not,” she said correctly. In that case, stronger measures must be applied to Russia to force it to stand down in the face of violence that has spiked in the past two months, reaching levels not seen since August 2015.

“Russia and the separatists must end their attacks – they continue to commit the majority of ceasefire violations – and withdraw banned heavy weapons, while providing the OSCE full, unfettered access throughout the conflict zone and guaranteeing monitors’ safety,” she demanded.

“Finally, as President Obama has stated clearly, we do not and will not recognize Russia’s attempted annexation of Crimea. We are working with the Government of Ukraine as well as our partners and allies to highlight Russian abuses targeting Crimean Tatars and others opposed to Russia’s illegal occupation as well as ensure that the costs to Russia continue, including through sanctions, until Crimea is returned to Ukraine,” Yovanovitch said, echoing comments made by Ambassador Samantha Power, US Permanent Representative to the UN, another strong campaigner for Ukraine.

Based on this statement, Yovanovitch will be a strong asset for US relations with Ukraine and a strong advocate of Ukrainian independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity.

US Suggests Military & Political Steps to Counter Russian Aggression

As European allies begin to quaver under Russian pressure, the United States continues to be the standard bearer of support for Ukraine and the other x-captive nations against genuine Russian aggression.

Washington remains in the forefront of efforts to rollover sanctions against Russia and even intensify them while fair-weather allies Germany and France have made a damaging about face.

Now, in order to bolster its commitment to Ukraine, the US has outlined clear military and political steps for countering Russian aggression.

In an address before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on June 7, Victoria Nuland, assistant secretary, Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs, conceded that despite Washington’s efforts to build good relations with Moscow and help it transition from communism to democracy, the US has finally realized its miscalculation.

“By 2014, however, we had no choice but to reevaluate our assumptions following Russia’s invasion of sovereign Ukrainian territory – first in Crimea, then in eastern Ukraine – which shattered any remaining illusions about this Kremlin’s willingness to abide by international law or live by the rules of the institutions that Russia joined at the end of the Cold War,” Nuland admitted.

A vocal advocate of Ukraine, she listed the following steps vis-à-vis Russia:

Deter further aggression through the projection of strength and unity with US allies;

Build resilience and reduce vulnerability among friends and allies facing Russian pressure and coercion;

Cooperate on core national security priorities when our interests and Russia’s do align;

Sustain ties to the Russian people and business community to preserve the potential for a more constructive relationship in the future,

The first and third steps are good, the second requires more work, and the last has questionable value and should be revised.

On the military side, Nuland pointed out that in the past two years, the US and its NATO allies have maintained a persistent, rotational military presence on land, sea, and air all along NATO’s eastern edge—in Poland, Romania, Bulgaria, and the three Baltic States. This has indisputably reinforced the x-captive nations’ impression that US and NATO support is real. It also sends a message to Moscow that the US will not abandon the x-captive nations.

“All 28 allies have participated, and the US has used the $985 million in FY 2015 European Reassurance Initiative (ERI) funding that Congress generously appropriated to increase the number of exercises, training sessions, and patrols that we are supporting throughout Europe. This month, over 30,000 US, NATO and partner nation troops will exercise together as a part of a series of military training events, including the Polish-led Anakonda exercise,” she said.

Nuland believes that after the July NATO Summit in Warsaw, the allies will institutionalize a more sustained approach to deterrence, including by enhancing forward presence in the East to reduce response times to any aggression. This forward presence will serve as a barrier to Russian westward adventurism. To support this commitment, the President Obama has requested $3.4 billion to fund the European Reassurance Initiative, she noted.

With the Senate’s support, she continued, “these funds will be used to deploy an additional rotational Armored Brigade Combat Team (ABCT) to Central and Eastern Europe; the prepositioning of combat equipment; as well as additional trainings and exercises in Europe.”

Nuland recommended that the US should align its defense commitments with future threats, such as Russia’s own investments in hybrid tactics, electronic and cyber capabilities, disinformation, and violations of the Intermediate-range Nuclear Force (INF) Treaty.

As for Russia’s war with Ukraine, Nuland said the US has worked with the EU, the G7 and other like-minded nations to impose successive rounds of tough, economic sanctions on Russia over the past two years.

“These sanctions, combined with low oil prices and Russia’s continued structural weaknesses, have imposed significant costs,” she said, adding that the US is ready to toughen sanctions even further. She believes this approach has deterred additional Russian efforts to grab Ukrainian territory.

Actually, real sanctions and threats of increased sanctions haven’t curbed Russia’s war with Ukraine. Russia hasn’t pressed westward with its invasion but it also hasn’t withdrawn from eastern Ukraine and Crimea. Nonetheless, global sanctions are needed until Russia withdraws from Ukraine.

Nuland listed specific US materiel help for Ukraine to help it better monitor and secure its borders, deploy its forces more safely and effectively, and defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity. The US commitment has been more than $600 million in security assistance.

“We have trained over 1,700 Ukrainian conventional forces and National Guard personnel and 120 Special Operations Forces (SOF). We have provided counter-artillery and counter-mortar radars, over 3000 secure radios, 130 Humvees, over 100 armored civilian SUVs, and thousands of medical kits to help Ukrainian troops successfully resist advances and save lives,” she said.

The US has also been interested in democracy building in Ukraine beyond criticizing government officials for persistent corruption. Nuland specifically pointed out that US efforts to strengthen democratic institutions, reform economies, fight corruption, and build the resilience of partners.

“We have requested $787 million in FY2017 funding for Europe and Eurasia, including to those countries most vulnerable to Russian pressure, especially Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, and the Western Balkans. Our programs and advisors focus on improving governance, squeezing out graft and fraud, strengthening justice systems, improving election standards, hardening border security and homeland defense, and building energy independence,” she said. Indeed, these efforts have been very helpful.

Nuland indicated the US is placing a great deal of hope on the Minsk process and its participants to settle the war. However, the truce agreement has been a weak link in the chain because in the past two years, since Russia’s invasion began in Crimea and then spread to the Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts, Moscow’s war hasn’t abated. Attacks, battles, skirmishes and bombardments of military targets and residential neighborhoods by Russian regular troops and its mercenaries haven’t slowed down as the numbers of killed and displaced keep rising.

Furthermore, while the G7 members emerged from their summit a couple of weeks ago apparently in agreement to continue the sanctions, since then France and Germany have voiced opposite points of view. Washington will have to increase pressure on Paris and Berlin if they are to hold fast to their original pledges of supporting sanctions and avoid talking about relief before Moscow begins to live up to its international obligations.

Nuland elaborated on the troublesome fourth point: sustaining ties with Russian people and business community. This point clearly sends the wrong message to the Kremlin. On the one hand, the US pushes back against Russian aggression or threatened aggression then, on the other, hand the US demonstrates that it’s ready and willing to improve relations and the lives of the Russian people and business community.

“Even as we push back against Russian aggression and support neighbors under pressure, the United States will continue to look for areas where our interests and Moscow’s align, and we can work together to tackle global challenges, including nonproliferation, nuclear and other WMD security, preventing atrocities and humanitarian crises, and combating violent extremism and terrorism,” she said.

So does Russia deserve punishment or favors? Moscow will surely disregard the impact of the punishment and accept the favors.

“We must continue to foster direct engagement with those Russian businesses, organizations, and individuals who want to work with us, who share our interests and values and are working for a better future for their country. Despite Moscow’s crackdown on civil society, a free press, exchanges with the West, and political pluralism, our people-to-people exchanges; health, environment and cultural programs; and educational opportunities for Russians remain hugely popular, and continue to promote constructive ties between our countries. And we will continue to speak out against laws and policies that impede the work of Russian civil society and contravene the fundamental rights of freedom of expression, assembly, and association in Russia and elsewhere in the region,” she said.

Nuland’s good cop-bad cop scenario has dubious value for ending Russian aggression against Ukraine, halting Russian expansion of its nuclear stockpile and rampant re-militarization, and curbing Moscow’s reign of terror against human rights activists, LGBT, and non-Russian groups. It won’t help the director of the Ukrainian library in Moscow who was recently denounced as a terrorist.

The US has to maintain one firm policy against Russia in order to force it to change its domestic and foreign policies and, as Nuland said, genuinely align itself with global rule of law and the rules of the institutions that Moscow joined at the end of World War Two. The US must retain military, political and economic sanctions against Russia until its people realize that its country and heritage have been tarnished beyond repair by its leadership much like Hitler did to Germany in the 1940s. Then, if the Kremlin doesn’t change voluntarily, the people should arise and do so.