Senator Menendez Exclusive: No Retreat from Supporting Ukraine

Sen. Bob Menendez (D-NJ), in an exclusive cyber-interview with The Torn Curtain 1991, assured Ukraine and Ukrainian Americans that he and his like-minded colleagues on Capitol Hill will not retreat from supporting Ukraine and other countries that face Russian aggression.

Menendez further said opposing political winds in the United States would not sway him from advocating on behalf of Ukraine. He noted Russia’s aggression against Ukraine was emboldened by the mere hint of the Trump Administration’s softened stance toward Russia.

Menendez is the senior member and former chairman of the powerful Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and the architect of Russian sanctions legislation.

The full transcript of the interview follows. It was submitted to Senator Menendez before the latest escalation of Russian hostilities against Ukraine this past weekend.

The Torn Curtain 1991: The biggest question on the minds of Ukrainians (in Ukraine and Ukrainian Americans) as well as citizens of the former captive nations is should they fear that the United States will abandon its traditional support for their independence and sovereignty with the inauguration of Donald Trump as President? Will lawmakers such as you and your colleagues in the Ukrainian Congressional Caucus have the political strength to continue supporting those countries that are in the shadow of a belligerent Russia?

Senator Menendez: I have and will continue to stand with Ukrainians and all the Baltic and Eastern European peoples who live in fear of Russian aggression. I stand strongly in favor of democracy, the rule of law, and the territorial sovereignty and safety of independent countries in the face of subversion, threats of invasion, and — in the case of Ukraine—actual invasion by the Russian military. My fundamental belief in these principles will not be swayed by political winds in the United States. I have expressed alarm at any hints of warming to Russia under Vladimir Putin and many of my colleagues on both sides of the aisle have joined in expressing concern and doubt as well. I have faith that my colleagues who have been supportive of Ukraine in the past will continue to be.

Additionally, it is clear that we cannot back down in our support for democratic countries in the face of Russian aggression. At the mere hint that President Trump would take a softer stance towards Russia, we have seen pro-Russian forces emboldened and renew fighting in places like Avdiyivka in Eastern Ukraine.

The Torn Curtain 1991: Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2014, almost three years ago. That’s half the duration of World War II. Why do you think the free world’s combined response has been so lukewarm? Should the free world condemn Putin like it did Hitler seven decades ago?

Senator Menendez: My own response, along with many of my colleagues, to Russia’s destabilization of the post-war order was strong and decisive. In 2014, I led co-sponsorship of the Ukraine Freedom Support Act, which imposed sanctions on individuals and companies that contributed to instability in Ukraine or provided support for Russia’s invasion. The legislation also authorized military assistance directly to Ukraine in the face of Russian aggression. Internationally, several of Ukraine’s Eastern European neighbors certainly understand how Russia’s aggression threatens the sovereignty and territorial integrity of independent nations at large. However, I do believe the world must indeed do more to condemn and counter Russia’s annexation of Ukraine. We must have a united front to counter Putin’s overarching strategy of dividing and fracturing the Western alliance system. We must apply the lessons that bullying must be met with steadfast resolve. Division must be met with unity amongst the nations of the free world.

The Torn Curtain 1991: President Poroshenko and Ukrainian Americans are urging the White House and Congress to send lethal weapons to Ukraine and other tangible assistance under HR 5094. Do you favor that and how will it help Ukraine?

Senator Menendez: The United States must support Ukraine as the endangered and embattled democracy that it is. When I visited Ukraine and met with President Poroshenko at the height of Russia’s invasion, I committed to using my voice, my influence, and my vote to do everything possible to assist Ukrainians, both in terms of resisting further Russian military advances and rebuilding the country’s shaken economy and institutions under attack. I authored legislation in 2014 that authorized military assistance to Ukraine in the face of Russian aggression and I maintain that is the correct approach, when necessary, coupled with material, economic and non-lethal assistance. I also sponsored the STAND for Ukraine Act in the Senate at the end of last Congress. I believe it is in the fundamental national security interests of the United States to protect and defend Ukraine’s territorial integrity, and to send a clear signal around the world that those facing aggression will have a strong friend in the United States.

The Torn Curtain 1991: The Minsk truce that Russia signed and violated numerous times is not bringing Russia’s war against Ukraine closer to a conclusion. Are sanctions the only effective way to force Moscow to withdraw from all occupied regions of Ukraine – Crimea and Donbas? Should Russia also be banned from the global table until it does? 

Senator Menendez: Sanctions can be the most powerful and peaceful leverage we have in our arsenal of diplomatic tools. Sanctions must be coupled with resolve and a credible threat of stronger actions. We must not roll back sanctions against Russia until Russia proves it is a willing partner in the global international order, respects the territorial sovereignty of its neighbors, and stops international provocation. Last month, in fact, my colleagues and I introduced the Countering Russian Hostilities Act, which would expand sanctions on Russia for its continued occupation of Ukraine, for its interference in our own electoral process, and provide support for those in its immediate sphere.

The Torn Curtain 1991: Are you concerned that Vladimir Putin will escalate the war against Ukraine with a major westward push toward Kyiv, Lviv and even Vilnius or Warsaw?

Senator Menendez: We must take Russian aggression and threats of aggression seriously. Russian forces continue to amass along the border of these countries, and reports show that they could move with some swiftness across the border of these countries. We must support Eastern European countries as they enhance their militaries, and protect critical infrastructure, both physical and cyber. Additionally, as the Countering Russian Hostilities Act does, we must provide support for democratic institutions, public diplomacy efforts that support a free press and the free flow of information in the face of Russian disinformation campaigns aimed to disrupt and undermine democratic governance structures and institutions. 

The Torn Curtain 1991: As Ukraine transitions from a Soviet mentality, the government and population still endure a corrupt mindset. How can the United States help Ukraine overcome corruption without harming its ability to successfully defend itself against Russian aggression?

Senator Menendez: Governance institutions that promote democracy, the rule of law, and a free and reliable press are the foundations of a strong country everywhere in the world. A democratically elected government with a robust judicial system and media in which all citizens place faith will be a critical component of countering Russian aggression. These institutions also help promote stable economic development, which will be critical for building a wealthy society where citizens are secure, and help maintain support for a capable and robust military presence. Russia will only be more successful in penetrating Ukrainian society if Ukrainians have reason to turn on their own institutions as not supportive of the people and their aspirations.

Capitol Hill Responds to Russian Escalation of War vs Ukraine

Despite President Trump’s doubtful support for any legislation critical of Vladimir Putin’s Russia, several elected officials have stood up against Russia’s global threats and aggression.

Congressman Bill Pascrell, Jr. (D-NJ) today responded to the news that Trump has eased sanctions on Russia imposed by President Obama in the wake of cyberattacks during the 2016 election, warning that such a move would bolster Putin’s illegal occupation of Ukrainian Crimea.

“After the worst escalation in two years by Russian-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine, the Trump Administration has inexplicably decided to reward this behavior by easing sanctions imposed on Russia for their cyberattacks here in the United States,” Pascrell said. “This move will only strengthen Mr. Putin’s grip on Crimea, emboldening his decision to destabilize the region and contribute to the thousands of civilian deaths in Ukraine. The Congress must hold hearings and quickly respond by passing legislation to tighten sanctions on the Russians and prevent any further weakening by this Administration.”

Pascrell said for someone like Trump, who “purports to be the ultimate dealmaker,” lifting sanctions prematurely is “raw deal.” The Congressman said President Trump should stand up for American allies like Ukraine, “not cozy up to those who have meddled in our elections and continue to cause chaos around the world.”

Also today, Congressional Ukrainian Caucus Co-Chairs, Reps. Andy Harris (R-MD), Marcy Kaptur (D-OH), Brian Fitzpatrick (R-PA) and Sander Levin (D-MI), issued the following statement on the escalation of Russian military assault against Ukraine.

“We call on Russia-controlled separatists to immediately stop the violence in Eastern Ukraine, honor the ceasefire, and withdraw heavy weapons. We reaffirm our support for the Minsk accords, and stand in strong opposition to all efforts that would encourage military action against Ukraine. 

“As Co-Chairs of the Congressional Ukrainian Caucus, we are deeply concerned with loss of life and the deteriorating humanitarian condition in Avdiyivka, in eastern Ukraine, since heavy fighting broke out on January 28. According to Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), at least eight people have died in the last three days, and 17,000 civilians, including 2,500 children, do not have access to water, electricity, or heat in below freezing temperatures. With each continued day of fighting, their condition becomes more dire.

“The United States must stand shoulder-to-shoulder with our European allies and with the Ukraine people, who have demonstrated time and again their will for a sovereign and democratic country, free from Russia’s interference. We strongly urge Russian authorities to respect human life and abide by the ceasefire.” 

Russia Escalates War vs Ukraine; Kyiv Calls it War Criminal

Russia has dramatically escalated its military campaign against Ukraine over the weekend, leading to one of the deadliest outbreaks in fighting in the eastern oblasts since mid-December.

At least seven Ukrainian soldiers were killed in battle with pro-Russian terrorists, according to Ukrainian military reports, prompting Kyiv to decry Russia as a war criminal.

“The situation in the Avdiyivka industrial zone is challenging. The enemy continues to fire at our positions with heavy artillery and mortars,” Ukrainian military spokesman Col. Oleksandr Motuzyanyk said at a regular daily briefing.

The deadly uptick in fighting comes a week after the inauguration of Donald J. Trump as the 45th President of the United States and the threat of a dangerous détente between Washington and Moscow that could relegate Ukraine to a vassal region in Russia’s renewed prison of nations.

Russia’s intensified attacks against Ukrainian positions caught the x-captive nations and the free world by surprise, prompting President Petro Poroshenko to cut short his visit with German Chancellor Angela Merkel.

In a statement about Russia’s latest violation of the ceasefire agreement, the Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs expressed its “deep concern” and called on allies to step up pressure on Moscow to abide by the truce.

The rebels began attacking government positions in the eastern frontline town of Avdiyivka on Sunday, January 29, Ukrainian officials said.

“According to tentative information, five Ukrainian troops were killed and 14 were wounded in action in the past 24 hours. The Ukrainian troops incurred almost all the losses in the heavy fighting in Avdiyivka,” Motuzyanyk said on Monday. The toll has since grown.

Russia’s war in Ukraine has killed some 10,000 since it began in three years ago this February, according to the UN Human Rights Office.

Ukrainian Defense Minister Stepan Poltorak said during the talks with injured servicemen at a Lviv military hospital that the operational situation in the Anti-Terrorist Operation (ATO) area in Donbas remains complicated, but at the same time the Ukrainian troops managed to seize a strategically significant outpost during the battle in the Avdiyivka area.

“Today there is a serious aggravation in the Avdiyivka area: in the morning the terrorist groups started the shelling, then, two groups of the hostiles comprising 25-30 people each launched assault actions on our positions. At one of the positions this attack was stopped by the armed forces servicemen, on the second one our servicemen went into the offensive and seized an important outpost, which has strategic significance. Our servicemen, unfortunately, sustained some losses. The situation in the ATO area is thorny, but controllable,” the ministry press service quoted Poltorak as saying.

Ukrainian military officials accused the Russian mercenaries of using tanks and grad multiple grenade launchers and said they recorded intensified fighting all along the front line — outside the separatist stronghold of Donetsk, in the south of the front-line north of Mariupol and west of Luhansk. The grad launcher is among heavy-caliber weapons that should have been pulled back from the front line under a 2015 truce between the warring parties.

In the Mariupol sector, 20 shells were fired from BM-21 grad rocket launchers on Ukrainian army positions near Talakivka, the staff said on Facebook on Monday morning. Vodiane came under attack of a Grad P rocket launcher, 122mm artillery, mortars of various calibers, grenade launchers and small arms, it said.

According to the staff, the hostiles fired 122 mm artillery on Lybidynske, mortars on Krasnohorivka, and grenade launchers and small arms on Hnutove, Pavlopil, Shyrokyne and Krasnohorivka, and engaged armored personnel carriers and infantry combat vehicles in Shyrokyne.

Two onslaughts were mounted near Avdiyivka in the Donetsk sector but the enemy troops “suffered casualties and had to retreat,” it said. Mortars of various calibers were fired on Verkhniotoretske, Avdiyivka, Opytne, Luhanske, Zaitseve and Kamyanka on Sunday. “Tanks shelled Novhorodske and Pisky,” it said.

The militants fired mortars and grenade launchers on Novo-Oleksandrivka, Troyitske, Popasna and Novozvanivka in the Luhansk sector, it said.

Ukraine and NATO accuse the Kremlin of supporting the rebels with troops and weapons. The United States and European Union have imposed sanctions on Russia over the war, as well as for its occupation of Ukraine’s Crimea peninsula.

With Trump considering dropping the White House’s support for punitive sanctions against Russia, Ukrainian officials, the former captive nations, the European Union, the Congressional Ukrainian Caucus and other friends of Ukrainian on Capitol Hill will be stepping up efforts to mobilize support for maintaining global sanctions against the Kremlin until it surrenders occupied Ukrainian regions and withdraws its troops and mercenaries to Russia.

The Ukrainian Foreign Ministry issued the following statement:

“Ukraine’s Foreign Ministry expresses deep concern over the intensification of the Russian-terrorist forces in Donbas.

“For the last two days, the Russian occupation forces carried out massive attacks across the contact line using all available weapons, including MLRS ‘grad,’ artillery of 152 mm and 122 mm, mortars of 120 and 82 mm, tanks, all prohibited by the Minsk agreements, and small arms. The Russian weapon has killed 8 Ukrainian soldiers and has left 26 wounded.

“Civilians suffer because of the shelling of the residential areas: 2 civilians have been wounded. The cities of Yasinovata and Avdiyivka were fully cut off from electricity by shelling. More than 400,000 peaceful civilians in the region have no access to water, electricity and heating. Given harsh weather conditions and the continuing shelling by the militants, the humanitarian situation in the area continues to deteriorate.

“Such actions of the Kremlin may qualify as a war crime, a gross violation of the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, an unlawful, wanton and extensive destruction of property not justified by military necessity.

“Obviously, the current escalation in Donbas is a clear indication of Russia’s continued blatant disregard of its commitments under the Minsk agreements with a view of preventing the stabilization of the situation and achieving any progress in the security and humanitarian spheres.

“We demand from the Russian Federation to cease hostilities immediately and to comply strictly with the ceasefire.

“We request our international partners to step up political and diplomatic pressure on the Kremlin to stop this dangerous escalation in Donbas and avoid a humanitarian catastrophe in the region.”

With Russia continuing to violate truce accords and escalating its war against Ukraine, and behaving like a war criminal, Kyiv has no other recourse except to sever diplomatic relations with Russia and arrest all Russian diplomats in Ukraine.

The White House must not contemplate establishing good relations with the Kremlin as it deepens its bloodshed in Ukraine. The US must not partner with a country and its leader that emulate Nazi Germany’s bloody behavior.

Trump Draws First Blood

The eyes of the free world and the former captive nations have been on the Oval Office ever since Donald J. Trump became the 45th President of the United States.

The reason is that Trump alienated himself from many American voters by expressing tolerance for Vladimir Putin’s aggression in Ukraine and threats against other countries. Trump also denied that Crimea was invaded, occupied and illegally annexed by Russia.

Trump singlehandedly overturned the seven-decade-long pro-captive nations stance of the Republican Party.

On the campaign trail, Trump revealed his acceptance of Putin by blatantly praising him, raising predictable disdain in Europe and the US. His support for the Russian leader held fast despite the shocked outcry by voters. Meanwhile, American intelligence and law enforcement officials’ announcement that they would look into contacts between Trump’s national security adviser Michael Flynn and a top Russian diplomat.

If that weren’t enough, Trump shocked Ukraine and Ukrainian Americans by saying that he would break ranks with European allies and cancel sanctions on Russia for invading Ukraine if the Kremlin agreed to reduce its nuclear arms.

Behind the Kremlin walls, with the votes tabulated, Trump’s praise of Putin led Russian officials and USA watchers at many inauguration parties to publicly hope for warmer relations under Trump’s presidency. In other words they hoped that the US commander in chief will look the other way when Russia invades peaceful neighbors or violates human rights at home.

After his election, Trump began building a team that included officials who share his point of view and those who don’t.

Trump’s candidate for secretary of state, Rex Tillerson, the former top Mobil-Exxon executive with very close ties to Russia and Putin, was seen as typical of Trump’s benevolent view of Putin and tolerance for Russia’s imperial adventurism. The line in the sand was drawn early in the new President’s term as Democratic and Republican lawmakers sought to brow beat the opposing lineup with strongly-worded warnings.

Senators John McCain, Marco Rubio, Lindsey Graham and others had led the charge for the GOP against Tillerson’s appointment while Sen. Charles Schumer and his colleagues did so on behalf of Democrats. Obviously, the new President wasn’t budging. He repeated his pledge that he would work to Putin, deal with him, and plan a future with him rather than without.

President Petro Poroshenko of Ukraine and leaders of the other former captive nations expressed disquiet that they would be losing the vital and visible support of the United States at a time when Russia is waging a war in Ukraine and rattling its sabers in Eastern Europe.

The memory of Vice-President Joe Biden’s five trips to Ukraine and strong advocacy for the countries that freed themselves from Russia’s prison of nations is still fresh in the region’s capitals.

Throughout his tenure at the White House, Biden played the unofficial role of President Barak Obama’s special envoy to Ukraine, and since the 2016 election, he has worked to instill Ukraine’s importance on the new administration. Asked by reporters if he thought his efforts were successful, Biden responded only that “hope springs eternal.”

Indeed, the x-captive nations have been in that state of earnest hope for decades if not centuries.

Kyiv officials are worried that Trump could relegate their country to Russia’s sphere of influence, denying Ukraine’s Western aspirations. Ukrainian officials and citizens – as well as Ukrainian Americans – have long feared that the West could “sell out” Ukraine by forcing a bad peace. But no one suspected that unfaithfulness would come from Washington. And forcing a bad peace on Ukraine turned out not to be a far-fetched idea. Ukraine’s Foreign Ministry this week protested after media reported that Kyiv would be excluded from US-Russia talks about the war and its future.

Ian Bateson, a freelance journalist, cited the following in The Huffington Post: “Commentators constantly refer to the Munich 1938 agreement, implying that the West will once again attempt to appease the aggressor,” Kostiantyn Fedorenko, a political analyst at the Institute for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation, told The World Post. “This, in their view, would be done via [the] lifting of US sanctions on Russia.”

In an op-ed in The New York Times, Ukrainian Foreign Minister Pavlo Klimkin expressed hope that Trump would be a strong leader for Ukraine as well as for the United States. Poroshenko, in his remarks after meeting with Biden, said he looked forward to working with the Trump administration, and Ukrainian media reported that Ukrainian Ambassador to the US Valeriy Chaly said he also emphasized Ukraine’s importance in a conversation with Trump.  

At last Saturday’s women’s marches in Washington, New York City and elsewhere, Ukrainian American women and their righteous brothers joined the protests by demanding that Putin withdraw Russian armies and mercenaries from Ukraine and that Washington under President Trump would continue supporting Ukraine.

On Monday, January 23, opposition to Trump’s pro-Russian and anti-Ukrainian posture suddenly crumbled like a house of cards. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee voted in favor of Tillerson’s appointment as the secretary of state. All Republicans that had criticized Trump’s “reset” policies with Russia and Tillerson’s too-close-for-comfort relationship with Putin caved and supported his candidacy like obedient schoolchildren. On the other hand, all Democrats on the panel held fast and voted against him.

What is baffling about this battle of wills is that Tillerson’s views and testimony may not be firmly pro-Ukrainian, but he is also not toeing the line of his boss. Tillerson said he didn’t accept Rubio’s description of Putin as a war criminal but he did say Russia had no legitimate claim on Ukraine. He also said he would have provided Ukraine with defensive weapons and make a show of US and NATO border surveillance and intelligence-sharing. Tillerson was non-committal about lifting sanctions, preferring to say it would be better to maintain the status quo.

As for GOP mea culpa, McCain and Graham attempted to explain their betrayal of Ukrainian interests by jointly stating:

“After careful consideration, and much discussion with Mr. Tillerson, we have decided to support his nomination to be secretary of state. Though we still have concerns about his past dealings with the Russian government and President Vladimir Putin, we believe that Mr. Tillerson can be an effective advocate for US interests.

“Now more than ever, with America's friends growing more discouraged and our enemies growing more emboldened, we need a secretary of state who recognizes that our nation cannot succeed in the world by itself. We must strengthen our alliances and partnerships across the globe, and marshal them to defend our shared vision of world order. It is the American people more than anyone else who have benefited from this long tradition of US global leadership. The views that Mr. Tillerson has expressed, both privately and publicly during the confirmation process, give us confidence that he will be a champion for a strong and engaged role for America in the world.”

Rubio, who was considered a solid hold out against Tillerson, explained that his support of Tillerson’s selection focused not just on his qualifications, but also on his views about the role of democracy and human rights in shaping our foreign policy.

“I have no doubts about Mr. Tillerson’s qualifications and patriotism. He has an impressive record of leadership and the proven ability to manage a large and complex organization. What I focused on from the beginning is whether as secretary of state he will make the defense of liberty, democracy and human rights a priority,” Rubio said in a statement.

He was also encouraged by some of his other answers. “He acknowledged that Russia conducted a campaign of active measures designed to undermine our elections. He stated that Russia’s taking of Crimea was illegal and illegitimate. He affirmed that our NATO ‘Article V commitment is inviolable.’ He endorsed the Magnitsky Act. He accurately characterized the conflict in eastern Ukraine as a Russian invasion, and he supports providing defensive weapons to Ukraine,” Rubio said.

However, Rubio admitted, Tillerson’s answers on a number of other important questions were troubling. But that didn’t keep him from voting for his approval.

Tillerson did not share Rubio’s view that Putin should be called a war criminal and he did not condemn Russia’s repeated violations of the Minsk II agreement. He also noted Tillerson’s comment that he would support sanctions on Putin for meddling in US elections but only if they met the impossible condition that they not affect US businesses operating in Russia.

“Given the uncertainty that exists both at home and abroad about the direction of our foreign policy, it would be against our national interests to have this confirmation unnecessarily delayed or embroiled in controversy. Therefore, despite my reservations, I will support Mr. Tillerson’s nomination in committee and in the full Senate,” Rubio said.

Sen. Rob Portman (R-OH), also an endorser of Tillerson, said in response to his questions Tillerson declared his support for “defensive lethal assistance to allow the Ukrainians to defend themselves, which would be a welcome change from the Obama administration position. Because of these commitments, I am pleased to support Mr. Tillerson’s nomination and I look forward to helping him implement the policies needed to fulfill them.”

Portman’s reference to Tillerson’s support for sending lethal weapons to Ukraine, a major form of military aid that would doubtlessly help Ukraine in its war with Russia, was abnormally omitted by the other lawmakers.

In voting against Tillerson, Sen. Bob Menendez (D-NJ) said:  “Finally, as I said at the hearing, at a time when Russia’s continuing aggression around the world and interference in our election must be at the top of America’s diplomatic agenda and of chief concern to our secretary of state, it is incredibly troublesome that Mr. Tillerson and President Trump had not discussed the specifics of their Russia policy.”

Sen. Ben Cardin (D-MD) explained his negative vote by saying: “On Russia more broadly, I am concerned as to whether Mr. Tillerson would counsel President Trump to keep current sanctions in place – which includes leading our European allies in this most important of endeavors. He showed little interest in advancing the new Russia sanctions legislation I’ve introduced with Senator McCain and colleagues on both sides of the aisle. Russia attacked us through cyber warfare and has committed even greater atrocities in Ukraine, Syria, and Eastern Europe. They must be held accountable and our bipartisan legislation is an important tool to do so.

“Strangely, he was quick to caution about easing sanctions on Cuba because it would benefit a repressive regime, but seemed indifferent to doing business with Russia knowing that that business helped finance their ongoing violations of international norms.”

Both yea and nay voting senators used the same characteristics of the candidate to substantiate their decisions to support or reject Tillerson’s appointment.

So what happened in the hearing room? There are more questions than there are answers. Is Tillerson a ringer for pro-Ukrainian advocates? Were the senators trying to enforce their will on a stubborn President? Do the x-captive nations have nothing to fear?

Judging by this administration’s track record, Ukrainians’ great expectations could still be gone with the wind. With the Cabinet divided between pro and anti-Ukrainian officials, critical administration decisions could be frozen when Putin orders his tanks to move west or worse Trump will dictate his pro-Putin point of view. What can the free world expect from the United States and its officials when ardent American supporters of the former captive nations succumb to the President’s pressure or charm and abandon their valiant positions on the barricades of freedom? America first is not a forceful solution to threat of global subjugation.

By drawing first blood, Trump, whose stated opinions on Russia are not clouded in mystery, has demonstrated that he has political stubbornness and power to force his will upon the Washington establishment. This does not bode well for the x-captive nations, which have hoped for a better destiny a quarter of a century after they regained their sovereign independence.

Freedom-loving Americans will have to mobilize their memberships and take this righteous campaign on the road to the offices of their elected officials, the Congress and White House just like they did defending human rights activists during the Soviet phase of Russian imperialism.

Now, with Trump in office, Russia certainly will not abandon its aggressive policies to rebuild the glory of mother Russia and repair the torn curtain. But without Washington’s unwavering support, Ukraine, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia and the others will be left to arm and defend themselves against Russian imperialism.

Ambassador Power’s High-Ground Legacy

Emblematic of her historic oratory as US Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Ambassador Samantha Power concluded her high-ground career the way she began it. In her final address on January 17, she figuratively grabbed the international community by its lapels and shook it – diplomatically – so it wouldn’t neglect the fate of the world and the former captive nations.

The Ambassador did not waste the opportunity to warn incoming President Donald J. Trump and the new officials Inside the Beltway that Russia is the single major threat facing the United States.

After citing the friendlier moments from US-Russian contentious relations, including mutual concerns regarding radical Islamic terrorism, Ambassador Power declared: “Having said that, anyone who has seen my debates in the UN Security Council with Russia knows that I and my government have long had serious concerns about its government’s aggressive and destabilizing actions.”

She went on to detail how Russian President Vladimir Putin has weakened the “rules-based order” that has benefitted the global community for seven decades.

“Our values, our security, our prosperity, and our very way of life are tied to this order. And we – and by we, I mean the United States and our closest partners – must come together to prevent Russia from succeeding,” she declared.

The US diplomat listed the following musts: better understanding and education the American public about how Russia is changing this historic order; reaffirming American commitment to the rules and institutions have undergirded this order for many years; using new tools to counter Russian tactics for undermining this order; and addressing the vulnerabilities in America’s democracy that Russia’s attacks have exposed and exacerbated.

“To do this, we cannot let Russia divide us. If we confront this threat together, we will adapt and strengthen the order on which our interests depend,” Power urged.

While she didn’t mention any US official by name, including President-elect Trump, even a cursory viewing of the today’s news would reveal that America is more divided today than any time in the past. Russia’s fifth column activity and psychological operations have certainly contributed to this dangerous state that can make the US ripe for picking by Moscow as I wrote in a previous blog.

Ambassador Power clarified that the international order that Russia is threatening includes the UN Charter and its rule that the borders between sovereign states should be respected, an obvious allusion to Russia’s numerous recent invasions of sovereign UN member-states.

“The vast majority of countries recognize that we all benefit from having rules of the road that constrain certain kinds of behavior to enhance our shared security – rules that must not be rewritten by force,” she said.

To be sure, she continued, the United States has not always lived up to what it preaches. However, she said, despite shortcomings under President Obama, the Unites States has shown its commitment to investing in and abiding by the rules-based international order.

“The same cannot be said for the Russian government today. For years, we have seen Russia take one aggressive and destabilizing action after another. We saw it in March 2014 – not long after mass peaceful protests in Ukraine brought to power a government that favored closer ties with Europe – when Russia dispatched its soldiers to the Ukrainian peninsula of Crimea. The ‘little green men,’ as they came to be called – for Russia denied any ties to them – rammed through a referendum at the barrel of a gun, which Mr. Putin then used to justify his sham annexation of Crimea,” Power recalled.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, first in Crimea and a few months later in the Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts, has been a recurring theme of Ambassador Power’s speeches at UN Security Council meetings. In her remarks she often cited evidence of Russia’s arming, training and fighting alongside the separatist-terrorists. Moscow’s reply was standard: It denied any role, flouting, as she said, the international obligation to respect territorial integrity of its neighbor.

Power also included Russia’s support for Bashar al-Assad’s brutal war in Syria and then participation in the assault against Syrian people which resulted in killing thousands of innocent civilians in her list of Moscow’s evil doings.

But the list doesn’t end there.

“We saw it in Russia’s efforts to undercut the credibility of international institutions like the UN. For example, in an emergency UN Security Council meeting last month, then-Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon told the member-states that the Assad regime forces and Iranian militias were reportedly disappearing men as they took parts of eastern Aleppo. In response, the representative of Russia – which was providing air cover for the offensive – not only claimed that Russian investigations had uncovered ‘not a single report of ill treatment or violations of international humanitarian law against civilians of eastern Aleppo,’ but also accused the Secretary-General of basing his information on ‘fake news.’ Minutes later, Syria’s representative echoed Russia’s line, holding up as proof what he claimed was a photograph of a Syrian government soldier helping an elderly woman. The only problem was that the photo was taken six months earlier, in June 2016. In Fallujah, Iraq,” she said.

Russia’s assault against the world continued apace. Power said Russia sought to systematically sow doubt and division in democracies, and drive a wedge between the US and its closest allies, and supported illiberal parties like France’s National Front, which has a xenophobic, anti-Muslim platform.

Russia also took aim at Germany. The Ambassador cited German intelligence agencies to disclose that groups linked to the Russian government carried out a massive May 2015 attack targeting the German parliament, energy companies, telecoms, and even universities. Recently, Germany’s domestic intelligence agency reported an alarming spike in “aggressive and increased cyber-spying and cyber-operations that could potentially endanger German government officials, members of parliament, and employees of democratic parties,” which the agency attributed to Russian hackers. The head of Germany’s foreign intelligence service said the perpetrators’ aim is “delegitimizing the democratic process.”

This abominable list of crimes and dirty actions belong to Putin’s Russia, which President-elect refuses to acknowledge while continuing to favor Moscow versus US government officials and evidence to the contrary.

“It is in this context that one must view the Russian government’s latest efforts to interfere in America’s democracy,” Ambassador Power forebodingly warned.

“As our intelligence community found, we know that the Russian government sought to interfere in our presidential election, with the goals of undermining public faith in the US democratic process, denigrating one candidate, and helping the other candidate. Our intelligence agencies assess that the campaign was ordered by President Putin, and implemented by a combination of Russian government agencies, state-funded media, third-party intermediaries, and government-paid trolls.”

Disputing thoughts that the string of Russia’s global interventions is unrelated, Power pointed out that the common thread is not in anything the Russia supports but rather in what Moscow is against.

“Not in the rules it follows, but in the ones it breaks. Russia’s actions are not standing up a new world order. They are tearing down the one that exists. This is what we are fighting against – having defeated the forces of fascism and communism, we now confront the forces of authoritarianism and nihilism,” she said.

Her previous comment points, as I have written in this blog, to a common thread of authoritarianism, nihilism, aggression, belligerence, repression, subjugation, persecution and murder that runs through all that wield power in the Kremlin regardless of era or politics.

One reason why Russia has unleashed such a destructive campaign against the world order, she surmised, “is to regain a sense of its past glory, or to get back at the countries that it blames for the break-up of the Soviet Union, which President Putin has called the ‘greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the twentieth century.’”

In other words, to repair the torn curtain and rebuild its prison of nations.

So what is the world going to do to address this threat, she asked.

First, Power said, is to work in a bipartisan fashion to determine the full extent of Russia’s interference in the US recent elections, identify the vulnerabilities of the American democratic system, and come up with targeted recommendations for preventing future attacks.

She explained that the purpose of such an effort is to identify the gaps in American defenses that Russia exploited – “as well as other gaps that may not have been seized upon in this attack, but that Russia or others could take advantage of in the future. And the purpose is to determine the steps needed to close such gaps and strengthen the resilience of our system.”

She said it would be naïve and negligent to consider that just because Russia was once caught committing these crimes that it or any other country wouldn’t do it again.

“Allowing politics to get in the way of determining the full extent of Russia’s meddling and how best to protect our democracy would undermine our core national security interests,” she said.

Next, she continued, the US has to do a better job of informing Americans about the seriousness of the threat the Russian government poses. Unity here is crucial, she emphasized, because when making conflicting messages about a threat Russia poses, the American people receive mixed messages.

This consequently leads to confusion and national confusion about what is the threat, who is the enemy and what’s to be done about it gives the perpetrator – Russia – the opportunity to intensify its assault not only against the US but also Ukraine, the x-captive nations, and the free world.

Ambassador Power cited an alarming statistic that 37% of Republicans today hold a favorable view of Putin, up from just 10% in July 2014. Any favorable opinion of Putin is deplorable, but coming from the GOP is more disgraceful. Where are Goldwater, Nixon and Reagan when the US needs them?

She urged the new Administration to maintain Washington’s robust support for NATO while making clear America’s steadfast commitment to treat an attack on any NATO member as an attack on us all as well as expectations that all NATO allies will do their part in keeping the alliance strong.

“That also means maintaining the sanctions placed on Russia, including those imposed by President Obama in response to Russia’s meddling in our election. Now, some have argued that the most effective way to get Russia to start playing by the rules that undergird the international order is actually by easing sanctions. If only we reduce the pressure, they claim, Russia will stop lashing out against the international order. But they have it backwards: easing punitive measures on the Russian Government when they haven’t changed their behavior will only embolden Russia – sending the message that the best way to gain international acceptance of its destabilizing actions is simply to wait us out. And that will not only encourage more dangerous actions by Russia, but also by other rule-breakers like Iran and North Korea, which are constantly testing how far they can move the line without triggering a response,” she said.

Power also discounted any suggestion that the United States should put recent transgressions aside and announce another “reset” with Russia.

She warned against continuing to use the same tactics and means against Russia that seem to have succeeded in the recent past because now cyberspace attacks and fake news have entered the realm of possible weapons. Power noted that Russia’s willingness to lie turned reporting into an “on the one hand, on the other hand” story, even in respected outlets like the New York Times, the BBC and CNN.

“In other words, lying is a strategic asset. It didn’t matter whether Russia’s accounts were accurate or even consistent; all that mattered was that Russia injected enough counterclaims into the news cycle to call into question who was responsible,” she added.

In a pithy phrase: “Deny and lie.”

Another method of fighting Russia’s assault, Power said, is to continue to seek ways to engage directly with the Russian people and their government.

“It can be easy to forget that virtually all the tactics the Russian Government is using to undermine democracy abroad are ones they fine-tuned on the Russian people, to devastating effect. After all, when Russian soldiers are killed fighting in a conflict in eastern Ukraine that their government denies it has any role in – it’s Russian mothers, widows, and orphans who are denied the benefits and recognition they deserve as the family members of slain soldiers. The mafias that the Russian government uses to sow corruption abroad profit most off the backs of the Russian people. And it is Russian journalists and human rights defenders who have been harassed, beaten, and even killed for uncovering their government’s abuses,” she said, cautioning that it is important to distinguish between the Russian government and people.

The US should continue engaging with the Russian government by collaborating on issues of shared interest to demonstrate that both countries have more to gain by working to shore up the system of shared rules and principles than by destroying it.

But at the same time the US should be vigilant and responsive to its ongoing transgressions.

By renewing American people’s faith in the democratic system and principles that the Founding Fathers created, which Russia intends to destroy, will help Washington persevere against Moscow, she said.

“But we know not only what we are against; we know what we are for. So, just as we are clear-eyed about the threat Russia poses from the outside, and unified in confronting it, we must also dedicate ourselves to restoring citizens’ faith in our democracy on the inside – which always has been the source of America’s strength, and always will be our best defense against any foreign power that tries to do us harm,” she concluded.

Ambassador Power will be retiring from her post on Friday, January 20. Without a doubt, her departure from the hallowed halls of the United Nations and US government will leave a large gap that must be filled by her successor. Ukraine and the former captive nations will lose a strong advocate in the face of Russia’s ceaseless aggression. The free world will lose a steadfast champion for human rights, liberties and the moral high road.

Without presupposing the future, the incoming Administration is not of this vital mindset. The designated US Permanent Representative, Nikki Haley, has not yet revealed her beliefs.

However, the US and Haley must be inclined to pursue Ambassador Power’s high-ground policies not merely for the benefit of the former captive nations but because Washington is honor bound not to shirk from its moral values of preserving and fostering democratic principles, human rights and morals in a world gone haywire.

Will Putin Push Russian Troops west to Kyiv, Lviv & Beyond?

The Russo-Ukraine War of 2014-17 has been going on for three years and it has resulted in the occupation of Crimea, Luhansk and Donetsk regions of Ukraine. Its duration so far is about half of World War II, Europe’s last continental military conflagration. So, will Vladimir Putin continue driving Russia’s military machine across Ukraine into Western Europe?

The simple answer is yes, he will, and wishing it weren’t so won’t make it so.

Russian global expansion is its historical manifest destiny – regardless of who is in the Kremlin – and trampling Ukraine’s independence and sovereignty is the means by which Moscow will rebuild its empire. After all, Russia is continuing to mobilize troops on both sides of the Ukrainian border, which doesn’t bode well for peace and stability in Ukraine and the region.

According to Ukrainian Defense Minister Stepan Poltorak, a 40,000-strong diversified Russian army has recently been formed in occupied Donbas, of which 5,000 are Russian regular troops.

Poltorak said Russia has massed about 600 tanks, 1,300 combat vehicles, 860 artillery systems and 300 multiple launch rocket systems on Ukrainian territory. Military affairs observer and member of Verkhovna Rada Dmytro Tymchuk also warned of large-scale Russia military buildup along the border with Ukraine.

“Of course, with this military build-up, it is very difficult to talk about peace, especially with those who do not wish to fulfill the Minsk agreements or is very aggressively against Ukraine,” Poltorak said in an interview with TV Channel 5.

During the past few weeks, including during Christmas observances, which was designated as a holiday truce, Russian forces and their mercenary terrorists have been attacking Ukrainian positions in eastern Ukraine, killing many defenders. Ukrainian military spokesmen have said that the assaults marked a significant escalation in deadly engagements.

With the fighting spiking, the only question that remains is when will Russia unleash the full fury of its imperial assault?

Dr. Adam Lelonek, in an article earlier this month on the Polish-language website Defence24.pl, expressed the point of view that such an expansion is inevitable because Russia will not permit Ukraine to integrate itself in EuroAtlantic structures.

However, Lelonek pointed out, Russia will not yet commence a major ground war but will rather unleash an overwhelmingly vile campaign of dirty operations meant to destabilize Ukraine and camouflage its intentions from Western capitals.

Lelonek cited Ukrainian experts and pundits who believe that while a full-blown war may not come in 2017, that doesn’t mean that Russia hasn’t already begun planning for such an eventuality. After all, he reminded readers that launching a war is not a spur of the moment idea. Wars and invasions take months if not years of preparations before soldiers are put in harm’s way.

Russia’s invasion of the Ukrainian peninsula of Crimea wasn’t arbitrarily done two weeks after the conclusion of the 2014 Winter Olympics. Planning began many months earlier, while free world leaders were probably busy glad-handing Putin at a conference or summit.

While Russia is busy with Syria and elections in Western Europe, Putin understands that at the present time it is a cheaper and safer option to destabilize Ukraine, dishearten the Ukrainian population, discredit the government, isolate it from the West, create a viable fifth column operation, and weaken all levels of the country to the point where Moscow can just pick up the pieces and stick them in its pocket.

According to Lelonek, Moscow’s master plan also calls for destabilizing the internal situations and foreign policies of Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Polish, Belarus, Slovakia, Moldova, the Czech Republic and Germany.

As recent history shows, this operation doesn’t require an army. Destabilization could be the result of fake news, hacking, sabotaging elections, or sleeper agents. Even confusion and indecisiveness can slow down the wheels of government enough to destabilize a country.

“Western experts still seem to mostly ignore the fact that Russian plans, including military campaigns, are prepared for the long run. Scenarios for the annexation of the Crimea or military actions in Donbas were prepared long before the Revolution of Dignity, and the dismantling of the Ukrainian defense structures and infiltration of the Ukrainian state structures by the Russian secret services were being done years in advance for the benefit of the future,” Lelonek observed.

The Polish author added that Russia is also counting on a worsening of relations among Washington, Moscow and Beijing that would distract the world’s attention from Ukraine as well as the West’s ultimate fatigue and boredom with the issue of Ukraine.

Another flashpoint that will be exacerbated by Russia to destabilize Ukraine will be inciting conflicts between the Moscow Patriarchate’s Orthodox Church in Ukraine and the Ukrainian Orthodox Church as well as between the Orthodox Church and the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church.

“There is no indication of the probability of a tragedy this year, however, the majority of Ukrainian experts (theoreticians and practitioners) are nonetheless convinced that a full-scale war is only a matter of time. If Russia recognizes that it cannot stop Ukraine’s progress to the West, most likely, it will decide to apply maximum effort to destroy or seize as many resources as it can including demographic, intellectual, technological and natural,” Lelonek projected.

Andrey Illarionov, a Russian economist and Putin’s former economic policy advisor, was quoted by UA Today and channel 112 as saying that Moscow will take advantage of the interregnum in the United States to intensify provocations against Ukraine.

“This November, before and after the November 8, is the best situation for destabilization. We understand that the US presidential election is the time when neither American administration, nor the political powers in the US and Europe will care about Ukraine. The world will be focused on the developments in the US, and election results,” Illarionov said.

According to him, the world’s attention will be distracted by the US elections and inauguration, creating an ideal situation for Russia “with little or no risk to hold its campaigns in the various countries of the world.” Even a cursory review of American newspapers will reveal that the US is in such an unsafe state of flux about where are its foreign loyalties.

Illarionov reminded that Russia is capable of launching conventional and non-conventional weapons from its well-stocked arsenal against Ukraine – “Nothing can be ruled out” – in order to stop Kyiv’s westward movement.

In an interview with well-known columnist Paul Goble, Illarionov further clarified that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine cannot be called a conflict, but rather it is a war. “This is not a crisis. This is a war. The war in the simplest meaning of the word,” he said.

“This is a Russian-Ukrainian war. To be more precise, this is Putin’s war against Ukraine. Most Russians do not support the war. Putin’s war against Ukraine is already a long-term one.”

I have been referring to it as the Russo-Ukraine War for a couple of years.

Like Lelonek, Illarionov also said he was sure that preparations for the war took years – at least 11 years. “Since 2003. I can say that certain questions relating to the future war with Ukraine were discussed in my presence. I didn't think the talks would really lead to a real war,” he said.

This observation must sink in for western leaders. While they were shaking hands with Putin, toasting him with Russian vodka, signing agreements, and praising his accomplishments, he was busy planning his invasion of Ukraine and other countries.

Illarionov recalled that in year 2004 preparations were already discussed for the future occupation and annexation of Crimea but were suspended during the Orange Revolution. In 2008, Russian Journal published the leaked plan of the military command “in which you will see a detailed draft project of a war against Ukraine.” Information about actions to support separatists in Ukraine began to appear in 2009, he added.

“So, they were preparing the war for a long time. The other matter is that it is a long war that has been continuing for more than 16 months. It was officially launched on July 27, 2013, by Putin's speech in Kyiv on the occasion of the anniversary of the baptism of Kyivan Rus. You can find here clear remarks about the start of the hybrid campaign, an intervention, but not a war,” Goble observed on the basis of Illarionov’s remarks.

Indeed, in the July 29, 2013, edition of The Torn Curtain 1991 newsletter, I also forecast that Putin’s arm twisting of Ukrainian leaders at that event would ultimately lead to Russia’s violent attempt to rebuild the torn iron curtain one way or another: “In Ukraine for the commemoration of Christianity of Kyivan Rus (ancient Ukraine), Putin made it a point to urge Ukraine to unite with Russia because, after all, they’re ‘one people.’ Nothing smacks of a restoration of the Russian prison of nations and the iron curtain more than that.”

Goble wrote in his current column that Illarionov believes the war won’t end in the nearest time.

Illarionov made similar observations to Paul Roderick Gregory in Forbes. The Russian pundit said Putin has already begun waging another type of war throughout Ukraine, one that is being conducted by Russian Spetsnaz (special operations) forces and KGB (now called FSB) agents and its aims is to topple the pro-Western government in Kyiv – destabilization.

The Spetsnaz’ orders include the sowing of civil unrest throughout Ukraine via strikes, demonstrations, staged incidents, and street battles. Putin’s subversive forces will also orchestrate neo-Nazi incidents with Nazi regalia and swastikas on full display. Their mandates also include the deliberate killing of Russian soldiers and of ethnic Russian civilians to prove the hatred and extremism of radical Ukrainian nationalists. These orders come from Putin himself, Illarionov said. Their mission is to create an image of intolerable chaos and loss of civil authority to justify a Russian takeover of all Ukraine. Putin’s goal is the destruction of pro-Western authority in Ukraine, the total humiliation of the West, and a makeover of the geopolitical balance.

Illarionov’s assessment is similar to that of Lelonek. Destabilize Ukraine and make it ripe for the picking.

His urgent advice to President Poroshenko of Ukraine is to place all your efforts into preserving civil order and avoid falling for the Spetsnaz provocations. In other words, the nation shouldn’t become a patsy.

Ukrainian authorities must immediately close all borders with Russia to slow the infiltration of Spetsnaz and FSB destabilization units. The American government has also advised this and is in the process of providing Kyiv a range of sophisticated border control systems.

The free world is also tasked with containing Russian expansion. Illarionov urges the West to understand Putin’s grand vision for restoring the “historic glory of Mother Russia.” He and others are convinced that if Russia is successful in re-subjugating Ukraine, the balance of power in Europe and the world would change for the worse and lead to further “restorations” of the former Soviet Union and ultimately to rebuilding the prison of nations.

So it’s merely a matter of time when Putin will unleash his hordes to reconquer Ukraine and the other x-captive nations.

Illarionov also explained to the Lithuanian Tribune that it’s not only about Ukraine. Russian laws essentially define four categories of Russians, he said: ethnic Russians, irrespective of whether they reside in or outside Russia; Russian-speakers, irrespective of their nationality; all former citizens of the Soviet Union and their offspring living in the territories formerly covered by the USSR; and former citizens of the Russian Empire (pre-1917) and their offspring living in the territories once covered by the Russian Empire.

“Such a legal base allows the Russian army to protect all the Russians listed in the law. Therefore, for the Russian side, such actions of the Russian army beyond Russian borders might seem completely legitimate,” Illarionov elaborated.

The x-captive nations appreciate the dangerous situation they are in and have been increasing their military budgets in hopes of building armed forces strong enough to counter a full-scale Russian blitzkrieg.

Russia’s thirst for new conquests or return of its empire will not be sated by President-elect Trump’s misguided belief in Putin’s wholesomeness and integrity. The free world should not hesitate to vigorously thwart Putin’s war by preparing accordingly.

Some US officials, congressmen and pundits have been warning Russia about this dangerous, destabilizing trend. They have placed their hope for a safer world on a new round of intensified sanctions against Moscow that will force it to withdraw from occupied Ukrainian regions.

As in the past, so too in the future, this generation will be asked, what did you do to oppose Russian expansion and protect the world from new colonialism?

Russo-Ukraine War of 2014-17 Continues

As Russia’s crimes mount faster than world leaders can track them, I’d like to return to the raging Russo-Ukraine War of 2014-17.

Except for Ukrainian and x-captive nations’ news media, very few western traditional or cyber media are still conscientiously reporting on Russia’s military advances against Ukraine and the defending troops’ valiant retaliations. Stories from the front have been supplanted by Russian prevarications about its invasion of Ukraine, occupation of Crimea, bombardment of Aleppo, hacking of America’s cyber infrastructure, and other visible and invisible crimes. Some of the accounts even seem to absolve Russia of any culpability for its obvious wrongdoings.

Well-intentioned, mortified and angry US officials and lawmakers are incessantly and justly demanding sanctions against Russia and its tyrant leader for hacking US political parties’ computers.

Get in line. The Russian leadership has been committing a long list of crimes for which it must be held accountable.

But back to the war that Russia launched against Ukraine in February 2014 by invading and occupying Crimea and then invading eastern Ukraine. Intense fighting is continuing, Ukrainian soldiers and civilians are being killed by regular Russian troops, mercenaries and traitors in Ukraine. Russia is still pulling military weapons across the border and positioning them for bloody shelling of Ukrainian military and non-military targets.

While the Ukrainian government has not yet adequately replied to Russia’s invasion by declaring war against Russia and expelling and arresting its diplomats in Ukraine, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and its Permanent Mission of Ukraine to the UN have been doing what they can to mobilize global support for Ukraine and keep Russian feet to the coals until Moscow withdraws its military from all occupied regions of Ukraine.

The Permanent Mission, on December 14, 2016, the 42^nd anniversary of the adoption of the UN General Assembly Resolution on the definition of aggression, reminded UN member-states of Russia’s unending belligerence.

“Having illegally occupied the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol and carried out further military intervention in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, the Russian Federation initiated an unprovoked military aggression against Ukraine. The Russian Federation thus has blatantly violated its international obligations and commitments as envisaged by the UN Charter, the 1975 CSCE Helsinki Final Act, the 1994 Budapest Memorandum, and the 1997 Treaty on Friendship, Cooperation, and Partnership between Ukraine and the Russian Federation.”

Furthermore, the Ukrainian diplomats stated that Russia has not only violated the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of Ukraine – which is a significant global crime in itself, Moscow “has threatened international peace and security at large. The third year of Russia’s military aggression continues to bring pain and suffering to the people of Ukraine of all ethnic backgrounds. The total number of victims of this undeclared war in the heart of Europe exceeds 10,000.”

The Kremlin’s crimes enumerated by Ukraine at the UN are severe enough to elicit global condemnation of Russia and its leadership as well as sanctions that would ban it from the global table and isolate it from all partnerships. It is the height of folly to invite Russia, a global lawbreaker, to partner in anti-ISIS coalitions.

Ukraine’s statement noted that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs “continues to affirm, in clear and unequivocal terms, that the occupation and subsequent attempt to annex the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, as well as Russia’s illegal actions in eastern Ukraine, fall squarely under the United Nations’ definition of an act of aggression.

“Such actions constitute the most serious crime against international peace, which entails international responsibility of the Russian Federation as a state and international criminal responsibility of its senior leadership,” the Permanent Mission declared.

Indeed, while many people of goodwill belittle the goings on of the UN, nonetheless, the respected global body has a definition of aggression, which Russia has violated. And this is in addition to the UN’s official condemnation of Russia, a member of the UN Security Council, as an “occupier” of foreign lands just like Nazi Germany and other tyrannical empires were. (Read my previous blog of December 20, 2016.)

The Ukrainian statement also said the political and military leaderships of Russia bear full responsibility for the planning, preparation, initiation and waging of this aggression, “as well as responsibility for numerous human casualties, material damage and destruction.”

Indeed, Russian war reparations are well within the bounds of reasonable Ukrainian demands after Russians withdraw back to its country.

“No political, economic or military considerations can justify the treacherous Russian aggression against Ukraine. War cannot be a means of doing politics in the twenty-first century,” the statement went on to say.

The Ukrainian delegation expressed its gratefulness to the member-states of the United Nations, notably the United States, Great Britain and Canada, for their “consistent and strong support in countering Russian aggression and overcoming its consequences.”

Ukraine also called for increasing international pressure on Russia in order to stop the aggression and bring about complete withdrawal from the territory of Ukraine of “the Russian armed forces, Russia-controlled illegal armed groups and mercenaries, along with weapons and military equipment deployed in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol (Ukraine) or illegally transferred to the terrorist organizations "DNR" and "LNR", as well as to revoke all acts aimed at legitimizing the attempted annexation of the Crimean peninsula and to undertake its further de-occupation.”

“Only Ukraine’s full control over the entire length of its state border and firm guarantees of its sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence can safeguard international peace and security,” the statement concluded.

This is also the only way that the borders of the former captive nations, Europe, Canada and the United States can be secured in the face of expanding Russian threats.

The free world is maintaining sanctions against Moscow amid calls for new sanctions but Russia is not budging. In addition to ongoing transgressions against the Minsk Accords, Russia has even violated a three-day Christmas truce by escalating attacks against Ukrainian positions.

According to a report on December 27 by Col. Oleksandr Motuzyanyk, Ministry of Defense spokesperson, “The past 24 hours have shown that the adversary is not going to respect agreements on complete and comprehensive ceasefire. Since December 24, militants have continued firing on Ukrainian positions.”

Two days later at the Ukrainian Crisis Media Center, Motuzyanyk said hostilities intensified in the vicinity of Krymske in the Luhansk region. “The most active combat actions took place in far outskirts of Krymske. The enemy fired on our positions three times from weapons of armored fighting vehicles and machine guns. One armed provocation, involving the use of grenade launchers, took place in Krymske,” he said.

The Russia-backed terrorists also violated the ceasefire in Stanytsia Luhanska and to the north from Stanytsia Luhanska. All told, they violated the ceasefire six times in the Luhansk sector.

Russian mercenaries are also pulling up heavy arms. They deployed the Grad multiple-launch missile systems (truck-mounted 122 mm multiple rocket launcher) near the so-called Svitlodarsk rim at the Donbas frontline, reported UNIAN. 

“The Svitlodarsk rim remains to be a zone with never-ending shelling against our positions, and they increase and decrease in number ever and again," ATO spokesperson Col. Andriy Lysenko said.

The ceasefire in eastern Ukraine that was supposed to go into effect during this holiday season has failed, and the Ukrainian military said they are not the reason for its failure.

Motuzyanyk said Russian-backed terrorists continue to violate ceasefire in the ATO zone.

“The past 24 hours proved that the enemy does not comply with the agreements reached previously on the full and comprehensive ceasefire, starting December 24. The enemy continues to shell Ukrainian positions, which have traditionally been the hottest spots in the past weeks,” said Motuzyanyk.

“As we've been reporting, the newest ceasefire, which was supposed to go into effect on December 24, never took hold. Though fighting has been less intense this week than last, there have been significant casualties.”

By mid-February 2017, Russia will be waging war against Ukraine for three full years. Will there continue to be no end in sight? If the free world continues to interact with Russia on many levels as if nothing is happening and refrain from designating it as a pariah, criminal state, then the Russian war and Russia’s acts of terrorism will continue.

If Ukraine refuses to declare war against Russia and sever diplomatic relations with it, the free world will continue to be confused by Ukraine’s response to Russia’s aggression and the war and acts of terrorism will continue across the country.

The free nations’ 2017 New Year’s resolution must be to bring this to the attention of world leaders in order to end Russia’s criminal bloodletting in Ukraine.