Friday, May 19, 2023

Give Ukraine F-16s!

A notable group of international politicians, legislators, civic leaders, academics and others signed open letter to President Biden insisting that Ukraine be given needed F-16 fighter jets to help with its efforts to defeat russian invaders.

The letter states:

Mr. President,

First and foremost, we would like to thank you, Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin, Secretary of State Anthony Blinken, and the broad bipartisan coalition in Congress for your unwavering support for Ukraine and for the leadership that the United States has once again taken in defense of the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter. Like you, we believe that, as General Christopher Cavoli put it so well, “Russia cannot come out of this war with victory, our future simply cannot stand it.”

We have often wished that the assistance provided to Ukraine had been faster and more extensive. However, we are well aware that you are in possession of information that we do not have, and that you have had to work hard to build the Ramstein coalition and to make it more cohesive.

We are writing to you today because we are concerned. The task that awaits the Ukrainian armed forces in the coming months is enormous. There is a risk of setbacks and partial successes. And, as General Mark Milley has repeatedly reminded us, it is always a bad idea to underestimate the military capabilities of the Russian Federation. In other words, there is no guarantee that the war will not continue beyond 2023.

As you know, General Valerii Zaluzhnyi, the Commander-in-Chief of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, and many Ukrainian military and political leaders believe that the supply of Western aircraft is crucial for a quick end to the war. Moreover, as Jens Stoltenberg, the Secretary General of NATO, and James Cleverly, the British Foreign Secretary, have stated, the only real guarantee of Ukraine’s security in the medium and long term is its membership of the Atlantic Organization, even if this is only possible at the end of the war. We have no doubt that a broad consensus is forming on this point. We believe that the states that blocked this process in 2008 at the NATO Summit in Bucharest, and thus bear a grave responsibility for the war in progress, will be careful not to hinder it again.

We are aware that mastering the use of modern Western aircraft requires extensive pilot training and complex logistics. But we also know that the Ukrainian soldiers, who are highly motivated, have demonstrated a remarkable capacity to learn.

As leader of the Ramstein coalition, and as president of the country that produces the aircraft that the Ukrainian military authorities want most – the F-16 – your approval is essential.

In six months’ time the Ramstein coalition must be in a position to adjudicate – in the light of the prevailing military and political situation – on the supply of these F-16s by your country and by those European countries that have them. It therefore seems essential to us that a decision be taken without delay to train around one hundred Ukrainian pilots; to assemble the logistical chain involved in the supply of a hundred or so aircraft; to establish the number of aircraft that each NATO member country could effectively supply in the fall of 2023; and to prepare those aircraft.

We thank you for doing everything in your power to achieve these objectives in the near future and assure you, Mr. President, of our highest consideration,

First signatories

Annely Akkermann, member of Parliament, former Minister of Finance, Estonia

Andrus Ansip, member of the European Parliament, former Prime Minister of Estonia

Gert-Johannes Hagemann, Major General (ret.), German Army, Berlin, Germany 

Willy Herteleer, Admiral (ret.), ex Belgian Chief of Defense

Anton Hofreiter, Chairman of the Committee on European Union Affairs of the Bundestag, Germany

Rasa Jukneviciené, Vice-President of the European Parliament, former Defense Minister, Lithuania

Roderich Kiesewetter, member of the Bundestag, representative of Foreign Affairs for the CDU/CSU-caucus, Germany

Andrius Kubilius, member of the European Parliament, former Prime Minister of Lithuania

Vytautas Landsbergis, former President of the Republic of Lithuania

Pandeli Majko, former Prime Minister of Albania

Marcos Perestrello, member of Parliament, Chair of the Defense Committee, Portugal

Karel Schwarzenberg, former Foreign Affairs Minister and vice Prime Minister of the Czech Republic

Kalev Stoicescu, member of Parliament, chairman of the National Defense Committee, Estonia

Jarosław Stróżyk, Brigadier General (ret.), Assistant Professor at the University of Wrocław, Poland

Pekka Toveri, Major General (ret.), member of Parliament, Finland

&

Michael Aastrup Jensen, member of Parliament, Denmark

Cengiz Aktar, professor of Political Science at the University of Athens

Alberto Alemanno, Jean Monnet professor of EU Law, HEC Paris, Founder of The Good Lobby

Katarina Ammitzbøll, former member of Parliament, Denmark

Martin Andler, mathematician, professor emeritus at the University of Versailles-St-Quentin, France

Antoine Arjakovsky, director of Research, Collège des Bernardins, France

Olga Artyushkina, senior Lecturer HDR in Russian Grammar and Linguistics, Jean Moulin Lyon 3 University

Anders Åslund, economist and former Senior Fellow at the Atlantic Council, Sweden, and a member of the Editorial Advisory Board of The Ukrainian Quarterly

João Azevedo Castro, member of Parliament, Portugal

Christine Baron, professor of Comparative Literature, University of Poitiers, France

Kris Beckers, Honorary Consul of Ukraine in Belgium

Martine Benoit, professor of History of Ideas-German studies, University of Lille, France

Gérard Bensussan, philosopher, professor Emeritus at the University of Strasbourg, France

Florian Bieber, professor of Southeast European History and Politics, Centre for Southeast European Studies, University of Graz, Austria

Michał Bilewicz, associate professor of Psychology, University of Warsaw, Poland

Pierre Bouchat, assistant professor of social psychology at the University of Lorraine, France

Alain Bourges, videographer, writer, retired senior art teacher, Ecole Européenne Supérieure d’Art de Bretagne, Rennes, France

John Bowis, former member of the European Parliament, former member of the Parliament of the United Kingdom

Yordan Bozhilov, director of the Sofia Security Forum, former Deputy Defense Minister of Bulgaria

Justina Budginaité-Froehly, political scientist, Germany

Patricia Caillé, lecturer in the Information and Communication Department, University of Strasbourg, France

Michel Caillouët, former Ambassador of the European Union, France

Enver Can, founding President of the Ilham Tohti Initiative, Germany

Marco Cappato, former member of the European Parliament, Italy

Paulo Casaca, former member of the Portuguese Parliament, former member of the European Parliament

Leo M. Chalupa, professor, School of Medicine, George Washington University; Fellow, American Association for the Advancement of Science”, USA

Peter Cmorej, member of Parliament, Slovakia

Yves Cohen, historian, director of studies at EHESS, France

Dominique Colas, professor emeritus of Political Science, Sciences Po, Paris, France

Dorota Dakowska, professor of political science at Sciences Po Aix, France

Christophe D’Aloisio, researcher affiliated to the Research Institute Religions, Spiritualities, Cultures, Societies (RSCS, UCLouvain), director of the Institute of Orthodox Theology in Brussels, Belgium

Pierre d’Argent, professor of International Law, University of Louvain, member of the Institute of International Law, Belgium

Louis Daubresse, associate researcher at the Institut de Recherche sur le Cinéma et l’Audiovisuel and the Fondation Balzan, PhD in film and audiovisual studies, France

Julia David, associate member of the Institute of Modern and Contemporary History (CNRS/ENS), France

Mark Demesmaeker, senator, chair of the Committee of Transversal Affairs, Belgium

Sébastien Denis, professor, History & Film Studies, University of Paris 1 Panthéon Sorbonne, France

Massimiliano Di Pasquale, associate researcher at the Gino Germani Foundation, Italy

Boris Dittrich, Senator, Netherlands

Jean-Marc Dreyfus, historian, lecturer at the University of Manchester, UK

André Dumoulin, honorary lecturer, University of Liege, Belgium

Olivier Dupuis, former member of the European Parliament, Belgium

Emmanuel Dupuy, president of the Institute for Prospective and Security in Europe (IPSE), France

Normunds Dzintars, member of Parliament, Latvia

Marc Elie, research fellow at the CNRS, Deputy Director of the Center for Russian, Caucasian and Central European Studies – Cercec, France

Nino Evgenidze, executive director Economic Policy Research Center (EPRC), Georgia

Marta Farion, president, Kyiv-Mohyla Foundation of America, and a member of the Executive Board of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America

Penelope Faulkner, vice-President of Quê Me: Action for Democracy in Vietnam, France

Andrej Findor, associate professor at the Comenius University in Bratislava, Slovakia

Claude Forest, lecturer and researcher in economics and sociology of cinema at the Sorbonne Paris 3 University, France

Céline Gailleurd, lecturer, filmmaker, University of Paris 8

Natalia Gamalova, professor of Russian Language and Literature, Department of Slavic Studies, University of Lyon 3, France

Vitaliano Gemelli, former member of the European Parliament, Italy

Julie Gerber, doctor of Comparative Literature, lecturer at the Université Jean Moulin Lyon 3, France

Mridula Ghosh, senior Lecturer of International Relations, National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy; Board Chair, East European Development Institute, Kyiv, Ukraine

Thorniké Gordadzé, former Minister of European and Euro-Atlantic Integration of Georgia, lecturer at Paris Institute of Political Studies, Sciences Po, France

Svetlana Gorshenina, historian, art historian, historiographer and specialist on Central Asia, director of research at CNRS Eur’Orbem, Université Paris-Sorbonne, France

Nicolas Gosset, defense analyst, research fellow Russia/Eurasia at the Royal Higher Institute for Defense, Brussels, Belgium

Iegor Gran, writer, France

Markéta Gregorova, member of the European Parliament, Czech Republic

Gustav Gressel, senior policy fellow with the Wider Europe Programme at the European Council on Foreign Relations, Germany

Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse, professor, University of Warsaw, head of Department of European Union Policies at the Institute of European Studies, Editor-in-Chief of the International Analyses quarterly, Poland

Jarosław Gryz, professor at War Studies University, Poland

Jeanyves Guérin, professor of French literature at the Sorbonne nouvelle University, France

Fernando Adolfo Gutiérrez Díaz de Otazu, member of Parliament, Spain

Christophe Hansen, member of the European Parliament, Luxemburg

Atte Harjanne, member of Parliament, Finland

Rebecca Harms, former member of the European Parliament and Co-chair of the Green Parlamentary Group, Germany

Patrick Hassenteufel, professor of Political Science, Université Paris-Saclay (UVSQ), Sciences Po Saint-Germain-en-Laye, France

Pavel Havlicek, research fellow at the Association for International Affairs (AMO), Czech Republic

Oleksandr Havrylenko, professor at the V. N. Karazin National University, Kharkiv, Ukraine

Joseph Henrotin, research fellow at the Institut de Stratégie Comparée, Belgium/France

Richard Herzinger, columnist, Berlin, Germany

Maryana Hnyp, professor of Social Ethics, Ateneo de Manila University; president of the

European Network on Religion and Belief, Belgium

Marie Holzman, sinologist, president of Solidarité Chine

Ulrich Huygevelde, coordinator of the Center Géopolis, Belgium

Mārcis Jencītis, member of Parliament, Latvia

Mario Kadastik, member of Parliament, Estonia

Christian Kaunert, professor of International Security Policy, Dublin City University and University of South Wales

André Klarsfeld, deputy chair of the NPO “Pour l’Ukraine, pour leur liberté et la nôtre !”, retired university professor, France

Jurģis Klotiņš, member of Parliament, Latvia

Miro Kollár, member of Parliament, Slovakia

Gašper Koprivsek, founder and director of Elysium Public Affairs, Slovenia

Philip Krämer, member of the Bundestag, Germany

Péter Krekó, senior lecturer and director of the Political Capital Institute, Political Psychology, Eötvös Loránd University, Hungary

Eerik-Niiles Kross, member of Parliament, former Director of Intelligence, Estonia

Yauheni Kryzhanouski, researcher, University of Strasbourg, associate professor at European Humanities University, Vilnius

Robert Kwiatkowski, member of Parliament, Poland

Per Larsen, member of Parliament, Denmark

Gérard Lauton, emeritus assistant professor, member of the NPO “Pour l’Ukraine, pour leur liberté et la nôtre !”, France

Diogo Leão, member of Parliament, Portugal

Aurélie Ledoux, lecturer, film studies, University of Paris Nanterre, France

Mathieu Lericq, Lecturer, Film studies, University Paris 8 Vincennes Saint-Denis, France

Ophir Levy, associate professor, Film Studies, Université Paris 8 Vincennes Saint-Denis, France

Šarūnas Liekis, professor of Politics and dean of the Faculty of Politics and Diplomacy at Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania

Jarno Limnell, member of Parliament, Finland

Sylvie Lindeperg, professor at the University of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne and emeritus member of the Institut Universitaire de France

Jonathan Littell, writer, Goncourt Prize, France

Ramon Loik, security politics analyst, Estonian Academy of Security Sciences, former adviser to the Estonian Minister of Defense

Raimundas Lopata, member of Parliament, director of the Institute of International Relations and Political Science at Vilnius University, Lithuania

Mihhail Lotman, former member of Parliament, professor emeritus at the Tallinn University, professor at the University of Tartu, Estonia

Lubomyr Luciuk, professor of Political Science and Economics, Royal Military College of Canada

Jaak Madison, member of the European Parliament, Estonia

Paul Robert Magocsi, permanent fellow, Royal Society of Canada—Academy of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences

Damien Marguet, associate professor, co-Head of Film Studies Department, Université Paris 8 Vincennes Saint-Denis, France

Jean Mariani, professor emeritus, Neurosciences and Gerosciences, Faculty of Medicine Sorbonne University, France

Alain Maskens, physician, oncologist, founder and former medical coordinator of the European Organization for Cooperation in Cancer Prevention Studies (ECP), Belgium

Marie-Claude Maurel, director of Studies at EHESS – École des hautes études en sciences sociales, Centre d’études russe, caucasien et centre-européen, France

Frédéric Mauro, lawyer at the Brussels bar, associate researcher at the Institute for International and Strategic Relations (IRIS), Paris, France

Rachel Mazuy, Associate researcher at the Institut d’Histoire du Temps Présent, lecturer at Sciences Po Paris, France

Alvydas Medalinskas, political analyst, Mykolas Romeris University, Vilnius, former chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Lithuanian Parliament

Alexandre Melnik, professor at ICN Business School, expert and consultant in geopolitics, France

Nona Mikhelidze, senior fellow at the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) in Rome, Italy

Emmanuel Morucci, doctor in Sociology, president of CECI (Cercle Europe Citoyennetés et identités), France

Alexander Motyl, professor of political science, Rutgers University-Newark, United States

Boris Najman, associate professor and researcher in Economics at University Paris East Créteil

Laure Neumayer, political scientist, lecturer at the University of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne and senior researcher at the European Centre for Sociology and Political Science in Paris, France

Olevs Nikers, president of the Baltic Security Foundation, Latvia

Alexis Nuselovici, professor of General and Comparative Literature at the University of Aix-Marseille, France

Lydia Obolensky, professor of Russian Language and Literature, Belgium

Ong Thong Hoeung, writer, survivor of the Khmer Rouge re-education camps, Belgium

Peter Osuský, vice-chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Slovakian Parliament

Doris Pack, president of EPP Women, president of the Robert Schuman Institute, former member of the European Parliament and the Bundestag, Germany

Carmelo Palma, journalist, Director of Strade-on-line, Italy

Franck Petiteville, professor of Political Science, Grenoble Institute of Political Studies, France

Jan Pieklo, Polish ambassador to Ukraine (2016-2019)

Nicoletta Pirozzi, head of EU Programme and Institutional Relations Manager at Istituto Affari Internazionali, Italy

Andrzej Podraza, professor, head of the Chair of International Relations and Security, Catholic University of Lublin, Poland; visiting fellow, University of Notre Dame, USA

Henn Põlluaas, member of Parliament, Estonia

Bohdan Prots, associate professor, Danube-Carpathian Programme and State Museum of Natural History, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Lviv, Ukraine

Jean-Paul Pylypczuk, director of the publication “La parole ukrainienne”, France

Eva Quistorp, theologian, writer, former member of the European Parliament, Berlin, Germany

Pierre Raiman, secretary of the NPO “Pour l’Ukraine, pour leur liberté et la nôtre !”, France

Sylvie Rollet, emeritus professor, chairwoman of the NPO “Pour l’Ukraine, pour leur liberté et la nôtre !”

Bronis Ropé, member of the European Parliament, Lithuania

Marie-Claude San Juan, writer and blogger, France

Andrei Sannikov, chairman of the European Belarus Foundation. Deputy Foreign Minister of Belarus (1995-1996), presidential candidate 2010, former Prisoner of Consciousness

Anton Shekhovtsov, director of the Centre for Democratic Integrity, Austria

Sjoerd Sjoerdsma, member of Parliament, Netherlands

Ivan Štefanec, member of the European Parliament, Slovakia

Wally Struys, professor emeritus, defence economist, Royal Military Academy, Belgium

Raúl Suevos, colonel (ret), former director of communication at the Eurocorps and former commander of the multinational HQ Battalion of Eurocorps, Spain

Marcin Święcicki, former Minister of Foreign Economic Co-operation, former mayor of Warsaw, Poland

Igor Taro, member of Parliament, Estonia

Ewa M. Thompson, professor of Slavic Studies Emerita, Rice University, USA

Nathalie Tocci, honorary professor at the University of Tübingen, director of the Istituto Affari Internazionali, Italy

Patrizia Tosini, associate professor of History of Modern Art, Roma Tre University, Italy

Florian Trauner, Jean Monnet chair at the Institute for European Studies of the Vrije Universiteit Brussel (VUB), visiting professor at the College of Europe, Belgium

Andreas Umland, analyst at the Stockholm Centre for Eastern European Studies

Jacques Vallin, director of research Emeritus, INED, Condorcet Campus, France

Karl Vanlouwe, member of the Flemish Parliament, Senator, Belgium

Maïrbek Vatchagaev, Chechen historian and political analyst of the North Caucasus at the Jamestown Foundation, co-editor of the journal “Caucasus Survey”

Sarah Whitmore, reader in Politics, Faculty Research Ethics Officer, School of Social Sciences, Oxford Brookes University, United Kingdom

Kataryna Wolczuk, professor of Political science, Centre for Russian, European and Eurasian Studies (CREES), School of Government, University of Birmingham, UK

Miroslav Žiak, former member of Parliament, Slovakia

Christian Rocca, Linkiesta Editorial Director, Italy

Saturday, April 29, 2023

Chornobyl – russia’s Nuclear Terror in Ukraine

Regarded as the world’s most dangerous nuclear accident, Chornobyl stands out in history as another example of russia’s premeditated or negligent murder in Ukraine. Ukrainians and other people around the world suffered as a result of this catastrophe in a small town north of Kyiv on April 26, 1986. Soviet russian officials quickly learned of this but chose not to inform local residents and the global community. Consequently, children in and around the Ukrainian capital continued with their daily outdoor activities while fine particles of nuclear dust descended on them. In time, this dangerous powder reached western Ukraine, north to Belarus and other regions of the planet.

A decade later, when I was an adjunct at Hofstra University, I wrote an article about this disaster for my students’ periodical. I’d like to share that article with you on the 37th anniversary of the russia’s typical deadly malfeasance in Ukraine.

https://acrobat.adobe.com/link/review?uri=urn:aaid:scds:US:3d1be25a-e3fe-3381-8bb4-db9b18795fb9

Wednesday, April 12, 2023

russians Behead Ukrainian Soldiers

What do you say about a culture that practices beheading of prisoners of war? We were aghast to see on video Islamic State cutthroats perform this heinous crime.

The bloody list of war crimes committed in Ukraine by invading russian murderers at least since February 24, 2022 if not longer, has shocked the global community. Unarmed civilians – men, women and children – have fallen into their crosshairs. And so have prisoners of war. For russians, it matters not who they kill in Ukraine. If they speak Ukrainian or if they love their native Ukrainian land, they are in mortal danger at the hands of russian killers.

We’ve barely digested watching the incredible coldblooded killing of a Ukrainian POW after he replied “Glory to Ukraine” to a group of russian killers when we learned of the beheading – decapitation of the head, the chopping off of the head – of Ukrainian POWs. There’s really no clean way to say this.

I heard of this yesterday in a colleague’s LinkedIn post, in which he said that he had mustered the courage to watch the video and listen to the horrific screams as russians beheaded the Ukrainian soldiers. I daresay that few people would have the moral strength to watch that clip.

Today newsmedia began reporting this latest russian crime.

Two videos appear to be of separate events – one of them may have been filmed very recently, while the other, from the amount of foliage seen on the ground, looks like it was filmed during the summer of 2022.

The first video, which was posted to a pro-Russian social media channel on April 8, 2023, was purportedly filmed by Russian mercenaries from the Wagner group and appears to show the beheaded corpses of two Ukrainian soldiers lying on the ground next to a destroyed military vehicle.

In the video, CNN and others reported, a voice can be heard, behind the camera, the sound seemingly distorted to prevent the speaker’s identification.

“(The armored vehicle) got f**ked by a mine,” the voice, speaking Russian, says.

Apparently referring to the bodies on the ground, the voice, laughing, continues, “They killed them. Someone came up to them. They came up to them and cut their heads off.” The dead soldiers also appear to have had their hands cut off, CNN reported.

Russian social media accounts say the video was shot near Bakhmut in eastern Ukraine, which has been the scene of the war’s fiercest fighting for many months, with Wagner fighters heavily involved.

The second video, which was posted on Twitter and is heavily blurred, looks to have been filmed during the summer of 2022 because of the amount of plant life on the ground. It shows a Russian fighter using a knife to cut off the head of a Ukrainian soldier. A voice at the beginning of the video suggests the victim might have still been alive when the attack began.

Ukrainian officials compared russia to the Islamic State and called on the International Criminal Court to investigate after a video emerged online showing apparent russian soldiers filming themselves beheading a Ukrainian captive with a knife, reported Reuters.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy today condemned as “beasts” those who purportedly beheaded Ukrainian soldiers shown in two videos that emerged on social media in the past week.

Zelenskyy vowed those behind the purported atrocities would be held accountable. “There is something that no one in the world can ignore: how easily these beasts kill,” he said in a video message. “We are not going to forget anything. Neither are we going to forgive the murderers. There will be legal responsibility for everything. The defeat of terror is necessary,” he said.

Dariia Zarivna, adviser to the Head of the Office of the President of Ukraine, said today the videos are part of a psychological operation “aimed at intimidation.”

“It completely dehumanizes and demonstrates the essence of a terrorist country,” she said of the videos. “But it is important to understand the purpose. This is a PSYOP [psychological operation] aimed at intimidation. The target audience is not only Ukraine, but also Western societies,” Zarivna reasoned.

“It doesn’t work on us, though. The Russians are afraid of this, but not us.”

What do you say about a national culture that invades a neighbor and commits incredible evident crimes against humanity and then flaunts them on social media? What do you say about a national culture that kills prisoners of war, unarmed men, women and children, destroys their churches, libraries and infrastructure? What do you say about a national culture that tolerates these war crimes? What do you say about the brutal, terrorist russians? Think about that the next time you network with a russian businessman, academician or government official. Think about that the next time reach for



russian vodka or other made-in-russia product in your local store.

Saturday, March 25, 2023

The Abomination of Kidnapping and Beating Children

Beating defenseless children is probably one of the vilest crimes in society. It is categorically condemned by governments, courts, religions and people of good will.

Not only has russia’s führer putin been labeled a war criminal for kidnapping Ukrainian children and forcibly taking them to russia, his evil, depraved minions have been beating and torturing them for saying “Slava Ukrayini” – Glory to Ukraine.

According to the Daily Telegraph UK, russian authorities are beating Ukrainian children as they attempt to “re-educate them” to become loyal russians and to forget their parents and heritage, said one of more than a dozen teenagers freed from moscow-run youth facilities after months of negotiation.

The parents of the children transported to a youth camp on the Black Sea peninsula last year managed to bring their children back to Ukraine, the newspaper reported. The children, mostly teenagers, were living in russia-occupied area of the Kherson and Kharkiv regions when local education authorities suggested sending them to a summer camp in Crimea, which has been controlled by russia since 2014.

Save Ukraine, the charity that organized the evacuation, said it helped some parents to travel to Crimea, via Poland, belarus and russia to retrieve their children. As expected, parents and children, who were seeing their mothers and fathers for the first time in months, were seen hugging and kissing as they arrived in Kyiv.

One boy spoke of his mistreatment during a television interview. The teenager, who was not identified, said children from Kherson were punished for expressing pro-Ukrainian views.

“We will take you to an orphanage, you will sit there and understand everything,” the boy said a security officer had told him and other teenagers. He also said he saw a bruise on the back of a teenage girl that had been caused by a stick used by the officer to beat them.

The boy added that the camp’s director had told him his parents had given him up for adoption. Distraught, he called his mother, who called camp officials to tell them she had done no such thing. However, administrators allegedly told her: “You’re not going to take them anyway. They will be children of russia.”

Those who returned to Ukraine have spoken about the attempts to re-educate the youths. At some camps, they were forced to learn by heart and sing the russian national anthem and taught that Ukraine was part of russia.

The US State Department said there is mounting evidence that russia’s actions reveals the kremlin’s aims to deny and suppress Ukraine’s identity, history, and culture, which is an act of genocide. “The devastating impacts of putin’s war on Ukraine’s children will be felt for generations,” the State Department said.

At least 6,000 children from Ukraine have attended russian “re-education” camps in the past year, with several hundred held there for weeks or months beyond their scheduled return date, according to a new report published in the US, The Guardian of Great Britain reported. These places focus on brainwashing, torture, punishment and intimidation in order to change the youth’s mentality. The Office of the Ukrainian Prosecutor General said in December 2022 that nearly 800 had died or disappeared during the process of deportation.

Russia has also unnecessarily expedited the adoption and fostering of children from Ukraine in what could constitute a war crime, the Yale Humanitarian Research Lab report found. The report was funded by the State Department.

Every day reveals another detestable crime committed by russia. Its so-called soldiers are incompetent so they turn to bombing residential buildings, energy infrastructures, kidnapping children and killing and raping civilians and their offspring. The gallows is too merciful for Russians.

Saturday, March 18, 2023

One Step Closer to Satisfying the Restless Martyrs

In one fell swoop, a thousand years of muscovite and russian crimes against the Ukrainian nation that brought forth rivers of blood and tears may finally be adjudicated for all the world to see.

Regardless if we ever have the opportunity to watch the hangman pull the lever, dropping putin through the gallows’ trapdoor into oblivion or not, the mere fact of the matter is that people are now aware of the countless russian crimes against Ukrainians that have been rolled up into one formal fitting condemnation.

Friday, March 17, 2023, will live in the hearts and minds of people of good will around the world as the day the International Criminal Court stood on the side of justice and ruled that there is enough evidence to issue an arrest warrant against vladimir putin, the so-called president of russia but in reality its bloody dictator, surpassing the brutality to Adolph Hitler, Josef Stalin, Idi Amin, Saddam Hussein, Slobodan Milošević, Nicolae Ceaușescu and others.

Almost 13 months after russia again invaded Ukraine and after innumerable atrocities committed against Ukrainian civilians, The Hague issued an arrest warrant for putin, claiming that moscow’s forcible deportation of thousands of Ukrainian children is a war crime. The court also issued a warrant for Maria Lvova-Belova, russia’s self-styled commissioner for children’s rights, on the same charges. The ICC has charged putin with being involved in the deportation of children, adding that it has reasonable grounds to believe he committed the acts directly, as well as working with others.

The court said in a statement that putin “is allegedly responsible for the war crime of unlawful deportation of population (children) and that of unlawful transfer of population (children) from occupied areas of Ukraine to the russian federation.”

Once in russia, the Ukrainian children, who were abducted from their parents or legal guardians and therefore actually kidnapped, are put up for adoption by russian families and then are given russian citizenship, all of which are in a violation of a range of laws.

The ICC said that its pre-trial chamber found there were “reasonable grounds to believe that each suspect bears responsibility for the war crime of unlawful deportation of population and that of unlawful transfer of population from occupied areas of Ukraine to the russian federation, in prejudice of Ukrainian children.”

Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said the International Criminal Court's decision to issue an arrest warrant against putin was historic and blamed him for the deportation of thousands of Ukrainian children. “This is an historic decision which will lead to historic accountability,” he said in his nightly video address. The real number of deported children could be far more than 16,000 and their deportations constituted a policy of “state evil which starts precisely with the top official of this state.”

Zelenskyy added, “It would have been impossible to enact such a criminal operation without the say-so of the man at the helm of the terrorist state.”

The announcement provoked a furious response from moscow. Kremlin spokesman dmitry peskov said russia, which is not a signatory of the Rome Protocols that formed the ICC and claims it is not bound by its decisions, found the very questions raised by the ICC “outrageous and unacceptable,” and that any decisions of the court were “null and void” with respect to russia. Russia, the United States and China are not members of the ICC. Despite the warrants, the ICC has no powers to arrest suspects, and can only exercise jurisdiction within countries who are signed up to the agreement that set up the court. In other words, putin cannot leave russia.

“Yankees, hands off Putin!” wrote parliament speaker vyacheslav volodin, a close ally of putin, on Telegram. “We regard any attacks on the president of the russian federation as aggression against our country,” he said.

The arrest warrant against putin and the indelible stain of guilt will be personifications of every crime committed by every russian despot for a thousand years. With putin in the dock or at the gallows or in restricted freedom in russia, he will be encircled by the spirits of all Ukrainian men, women and children killed in this war against Ukraine, Bucha, little Liza, the POW who fearlessly declared “Glory to Ukraine,” the martyrs of previous wars, Bykivnia, Holodomor, Sandarmokh, Bazar, Kruty, Baturyn and other known and unknown killing fields.

Some may say that since putin will never be caught, tried and sentenced, this indictment is meaningless. Nothing could be farther from the truth. From the charges of illegally deporting Ukrainian children to russia during war – a war crime – putin faces other allegations of war crimes and crimes against humanity. The list of the culpable does not end with him. Co-conspirators include lavrov, peskov, shoigu and their lowly naïve cutthroat in uniform who shot civilians. It casts a damning shadow on all who seek audiences with putin and his criminal gang, it raises questions about the integrity of institutions that call russians members such as the United Nations, and it besmirches liberal russians who choose not to denounce putin and renounce russia.

The warrant for the arrest of putin declares before humanity that the president of russia, a member-state of the United Nations, is a criminal and he must be regarded as such by countries, governments and people. He is a wanted man like a common criminal. Russians, especially, can run but they can’t hide from this appellation against their leader and by association their nation.

This warrant establishes that russia’s war against Ukraine is a crime, russia is guilty of war crimes and genocide. Indeed, while they’ll deny and belittle the ICC’s ruling, it will remain an embarrassment for all russians for generations to come.

The world now knows that there is ample evidence to declare that russians lied about why they invaded Ukraine, that they are guilty of indiscriminate killing of Ukrainian civilians and children, that their intention is to annihilate all Ukrainians and subjugate Ukraine, and by association all russians are guilty on all charges.

This empire of criminal cards is finally collapsing on top of the kremlin and its criminal mob. Justified accusations of a wide range of criminal activities, murders, human rights violations against russia are surfacing. A day before the ICC revealed its decision a UN-backed report stated that repeated russian attacks against civilians in Ukraine, including systematic torture and killing in occupied regions, amount to war crimes and possibly crimes against humanity.

The sweeping human rights report, released a year to the day after a Russian airstrike on a theater in Mariupol killed hundreds sheltering inside, including children, marked a highly unusual condemnation of a member of the UN Security Council. Among potential crimes against humanity, the report cited recurrent attacks targeting Ukrainian infrastructure since the fall that left hundreds of thousands without heat and electricity during the coldest months, as well as the “systematic and widespread” use of torture across multiple regions under russian occupation.

To be sure, the world was aware of russian aggression against Ukraine and crimes against humanity. The United Nations had designated russia an aggressor state for its invasion and seizure of Ukraine’s Crimean peninsula. In 2016 the United Nations officially condemned russia as an “occupier” of foreign lands just like Nazi Germany and other tyrannical empires were.

Hopefully, the ICC arrest warrant and the UN report will contribute to efforts ban russia from the global table and boost russia’s accountability for crimes committed in the war by individual countries that have assumed the right to apply “universal jurisdiction” to prosecute atrocities, wherever they may take place. And then this will lead to the destruction, dissolution and dismemberment of the russian empire.

Saturday, March 4, 2023

Accountability for War Crimes in Ukraine is Prerequisite for Peace

Accountability for war crimes in Ukraine is essential for peace to return to Ukraine and everyone responsible should be held accountable, including russian president putin, observed President of the European Parliament Roberta Metsola, reported Ukrinform.

According to Ukrainian government sources as well as the United Nations and other global agencies, russia has perpetrated war crimes in Ukraine since its war began 12 months ago. The United States, among other countries, also believes russia is guilty of crimes against humanity, a higher level of heinous international illegalities. The list of crimes perpetrated by russian regulars as well as cutthroats in russian uniforms is long and shocking by any standards, and includes murder and rape of unarmed civilians and children as well as the destruction of living quarters and infrastructures.

Metsola said at a briefing in Lviv on Saturday morning, March 4, that when peace in Ukraine is discussed, accountability for russian war crimes must be part of the discussion. She believes that whoever is responsible for these crimes must pay. This means that if a jurisdiction for the crime of aggression is found, then a find legal means to implement it must be found, she said.

Metsola noted that during the meeting with Prosecutor General of Ukraine Andriy Kostin, she saw significant progress in the creation of the tribunal and very good proposals.

She said they would also meet with UN officials to make sure a mechanism is in place to collect evidence first and then prosecute. “We understand that in order to hold accountable for the crime of aggression, a Special Tribunal must be created,” she emphasized.

According to Metsola, it’s no longer a question of how to do it, but a question of when. She noted that all those responsible for the crimes should be held accountable, including putin, because without this peace would not return.

“And this is the fundamental reason why I am here today,” she added.

Ukraine President Zelenskyy has pledged that his country will further strengthen its relationship with the International Criminal Court.

“Russian President Vladimir Putin and all his accomplices must receive lawful and fair sentences,” Zelenskyy said, adding that Kyiv has registered more than 70,000 russian war crimes committed in Ukraine, reported EuroNews.

This position must be carved in stone by all free world countries and international organizations seeking peace in Ukraine.

While in Lviv, Metsola met with Zelenskyy and promised him that cooperation between Kyiv and the EU parliament would “only grow stronger.” She expressed hope that Ukraine would be allowed to begin European Union membership negotiations this year. Brussels granted Kyiv formal candidate status in June of last year. It had applied just days after russia launched its full-scale invasion on February 24, 2022, but the matter has evaporated since then.

In a Twitter post, Metsola praised Ukrainians as the “brave people who inspired the world” … “who sacrificed everything for our values.”

Zelenskyy also took to social media to thank Metsola for her “leadership in supporting Ukraine from the start of the war.”

Sunday, February 26, 2023

Ukraine’s 10-point Peace & Victory Plan

Ukraine’s road to peace with triumph and honor.

A year after russia’s latest invasion of Ukraine, President Zelenskyy’s 10-point peace plan is again in the news and on the agenda of the United Nations. Though russia certainly opposes it, its tenets are nothing more than any self-respecting, sovereign, independent country would demand for itself.
The proposal was first enunciated by Zelenskyy last fall. Zelenskyy insisted he is seeking a just end to the russian war in Ukraine and he wanted to talk about the plan to achieve it publicly.
Zelenskyy has also been saying that Ukraine will not be forced to reach compromises in the pursuit of what Ukraine considers a just peace. The comment came in the wake of push from the broader world to Ukraine to focus on peace.
“Ukraine should not be offered to conclude compromises with its conscience, sovereignty, territory and independence. We respect the rules and we are people of our word,” said the Ukrainian president.
He further said that he suspected that Russia might use any peace as a ruse to re-equip its forces and launch an attack later as they have done in the past.
“Apparently, one cannot trust Russia's words, and there will be no Minsks-3, which Russia would violate immediately after signing. If there are no concrete actions to restore peace, it means that Russia simply wants to deceive all of you again, deceive the world and freeze the war just when its defeats have become particularly notable. We will not allow Russia to wait it out, build up its forces, and then start a new series of terror and global destabilization,” said Zelenskyy.
Zelenskyy’s 10 points that he believes would bring peace to war-torn Ukraine:
1. Nuclear safety
Russia has repeatedly threatened the use of nuclear weapons through the war. Moreover, russians occupy Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant, the largest in Europe, and shelling in and around Zaporizhzhia has frequently disrupted the plant's functioning, such as blowing out its power supply, which have repeated raised questions over its safe operations and fears of a nuclear disaster.
“Russia has turned our Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant into a radioactive bomb that can explode at any moment...Therefore, Russia must immediately withdraw all its militants from the territory of the Zaporizhzhia NPP. The station must be immediately transferred to the control of the IAEA [International Atomic Energy Agencies] and the Ukrainian personnel,” said Zelenskyy.
2. Food security
The conflict in Ukraine has disrupted world food supplies and has plunged the world in food insecurity as russia and Ukraine together are among the largest wheat suppliers to the world.
russia and belarus are also some of the largest fertilizer suppliers. The war and a blockade of sea exports has affected food production elsewhere.
3. Energy security
Russia has frequently hit Ukrainian power stations among other critical infrastructure units throughout the war, plunging parts of Ukraine into darkness repeatedly.
“About 40 per cent of our energy infrastructure were destroyed by the strikes of russian missiles and Iranian drones used by the occupiers. Every week, russia blows up our power plants, transformers, and electricity supply lines,” said Zelenskyy.
4. Release of prisoners
Zelenskyy listed that all prisoners and detainees must be released. Zelenskyy said thousands of people and around 11,000 children have been forcibly taken to russia during the war.
“Apart from the children, whose data we know, there are tens of thousands of those who were forcibly deported and about whom we know only indirectly. Among them are many, whose parents were killed by russian strikes, and now they are being held in the state that murdered them,” said Zelenskyy.
5. Restoration of territories
Zelenskyy said that occupied territories must be returned to Ukraine under United Nations norms.
“russia must reaffirm the territorial integrity of Ukraine within the framework of the relevant resolutions of the UN General Assembly and the applicable international legally binding documents,” said Zelenskyy.
6. Cessation of hostilities, military withdrawal
Zelenskyy said there must be “real and complete” cessation of hostilities.
7. Justice
Ukraine has long produced evidence of war crimes by russians, covering mass executions, sexual crimes, gendered violence, child abuse, etc. Moreover, russia has attacked civilian houses and public infrastructure throughout the war. Zelenskyy called for setting up of a tribunal for the prosecution of alleged criminals and a mechanism for the compensation for damages caused.
8. Environmental protection
Large swathes of land has been burnt by fighting and contaminated with explosives through the war. Zelenskyy said this should stop. “Millions of hectares of forest were burned by shelling. Almost two hundred thousand hectares of our land are contaminated with unexploded mines and shells...We must also find common responses to all environmental threats created by the war,” said Zelenskyy.
9. Prevention of escalation
Zelenskyy said Ukraine requires firm assurances that there would not be any escalation of conflict.
He said Ukraine was attacked as it was not a member of any alliance. Notably, if Ukraine would have been a member of NATO, then the collective defense clause of NATO would have meant that all the countries of the alliance, including the United States, would have come to military aid of Ukraine.
We need effective security assurances. That is why we prepared a draft agreement – the Kyiv Security Compact, and have already presented it to partners.
“Thus, we should hold an international conference to cement the key elements of the post-war security architecture in the Euro-Atlantic space, including guarantees for Ukraine,” he said.
10. Confirmation of war’s end
Zelenskyy said a formal declaration of the end of the war would need to be signed once all of the nine steps have been taken. “When all the antiwar measures are implemented, when security and justice begin to be restored, a document confirming the end of the war should be signed by the parties. I would like to emphasize that none of the steps above can take long. A month for one step at the most. For some steps, a couple of days are enough,” said Zelenskyy.
“The more countries of the world are involved in the Peace Formula, the more countries, especially the societies of certain large, influential countries, think about how to end the war in Ukraine - with respect for our sovereignty, with just peace - the faster it will be,” the Ukrainian president noted.
However, there is one complication that will delay peace and security in the region until it is eliminated: russia.