Putin: Waiting to Be Crowned
Tsar of the World
Russia’s
conspicuous belligerence is not as astounding as is the Western leaders’
paralysis and fear. Western intelligence services have been criminally guilty
of not accurately analyzing Russian intentions and history, and anticipating
its actions. This fiasco has been going on since the United States diplomatically
recognized the Soviet Union in 1933, at the height of Moscow’s murder by
starvation of up to 10 million Ukrainian men, women and children.
In
the past 81 years Washington and the West have failed to understand Moscow’s objectives
in Eastern Europe, the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czecho-Slovakia, the dissident
movement and even the downfall of the Soviet Russian empire and the Spring of
Nations.
Russia’s
strategic goal has been victory and domination while the West’s has been
containment and peaceful coexistence. Moscow is proactive while Washington is
reactive.
The
US, EU and NATO have been consistently missing Moscow’s signals in the false
hope of not upsetting the sleeping bear. Vladimir Putin forewarned the world
about today’s Russian invasion and seizure of Ukrainian territory during a
visit to Kyiv in the summer of 2013. He talked of the brotherhood of the
Russian and Ukrainian peoples and their reunification, cautioned Kyiv about
seeking membership in NATO, warned NATO not to creep up to its near abroad, and
laid the groundwork for the reestablishment of the prison of nations.
Consequently,
the West’s docile manner led to a bloody Russian war in Ukraine, panic among
the former captive nations about who’ll be next, and head scratching by Western
leaders as they ponder what just happened. There has been a fatal dearth of
assertive ideas and actions on the part of the Western leaders with regard to
Moscow.
In
the meantime, Putin has been busy dictating terms of surrender for Ukraine, its
former captive colleagues and the West.
The
crux of the matter is Ukraine’s intention to realign its foreign policy from
Russia to the West. Not only by joining the European Union but also establishing
a strong relationship with NATO – both win-win situations for Kyiv. Moscow adamantly
declared its opposition to Ukraine’s membership in NATO.
“Ukraine
in NATO would be an unprecedented challenge to European security, the biggest
since the collapse of the Berlin Wall,” said Vladimir Chizhov, Russia’s envoy
to the European Union, echoing oft repeated admonitions by his bosses.
“Our
message to the EU is: don’t undermine the Ukraine peace process by supporting
the party of war in Ukraine,” said Chizhov, referring to President Poroshenko
and the patriotic forces that have surfaced in the Ukrainian government since
the ouster of Viktor Yanukovych earlier this year. “Only the UN Security
Council has the right to impose sanctions. But sanctions have never been an
effective tool. The EU’s unilateral measures against Russia are wrong, unfair
and misleading, based on the assumption that Russia is part of the conflict. It
never was, it is not and will never be.” Actually, Russia’s involvement is not
an assumption but a fact that everyone is aware of.
Russia
has also denounced the EU’s ineffective sanctions that have not forced Russia
to stop its invasion of Ukraine. The Russian Foreign Ministry said in a
statement: “As for the new list of sanctions from the European Union, if they
are passed, there will undoubtedly be a reaction from our side.”
For
its part, NATO has been woefully ineffective as pundits observed that after
nearly 65 years it still is grappling with an adequate response to Russian
aggression.
Attempting
to counter Russian warnings against Ukraine’s bid to join the Western alliance,
NATO did assert that no third country could veto its enlargement policy.
“No
third country has a veto over NATO enlargement,” Secretary-General Anders Fogh
Rasmussen told a news conference on the second day of the NATO Summit, adding: “NATO’s
door remains open. Each country will be judged on its merits.”
Actions
are louder than words and NATO’s passive posture resounds loudly around the
world. Ukraine and the former captive nations are left to console themselves and
hope for the best with President Obama’s inadequate words expressed at the NATO
Summit press conference in Newport, Wales: “Our Alliance is fully united in
support of Ukraine’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity and
its right to defend itself. To back up this commitment, all 28 NATO
Allies will now provide security assistance to Ukraine. This includes
non-lethal support to the Ukrainian military -- like body armor, fuel and
medical care for wounded Ukrainian troops -- as well as assistance to help
modernize Ukrainian forces, including logistics and command and control.”
Note
the phrase “its right to defend itself” not “our collective responsibility to
defend Ukraine.” As for the non-lethal support, we’ll believe when we see it.
In
the scenarios of war that are played in the top-secret situation rooms in
Washington or Brussels, the possibility of Russia launching a war against a
former captive nation or any other country is no longer hypothetical. It is
reality and the only unanswered question is who’ll be next and what can be done
to stop Russia.
Artis
Pabriks, Latvia’s former minister of defense and foreign minister, a member of
the European Parliament, observed in The New York Times that it’s NATO’s moral
responsibility to defend Ukraine.
“NATO
and the European Union are both based on moral values that demand us to support
weaker nations suffering foreign invasion who have chosen to become democratic
countries. What is going on is a crime against humanity and we can’t silently
walk away. This especially applies to our elected European and American
leaders.
“Unfortunately,
we have already been delaying such support and time is ticking away. We have to
act now to avoid a greater disaster and to uphold our common beliefs in liberal
democracy, freedom, justice and human rights.”
Will
NATO leaders be able to look into the eyes of future generations if it fails to
uphold these beliefs?
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