Why exactly don’t Ukrainians Trust Moscow? Conclusion

As I wrote in a previous post, it’s historical.

Any illusion of commonality between Ukrainians and Russians that is habitually spewed by the Kremlin simply means favoring Russian national achievements and the harvest of ill-gotten gains of Russia’s bloody aggression and imperialism.

One hundred years ago, during the euphoric days leading up to Ukraine’s first declaration of independence, all segments of the nation and its leadership emphatically avowed that everything from Moscow regardless of royalty, political color, slant or “ism” will never be beneficial for Ukraine. Ukraine rejected all efforts at reconciliation, coexistence and cohabitation with Moscow.

The Ukrainian nation professed its aspiration for independence from foreign subjugation and statehood in numerous literary accounts that buoyed the people’s supreme hopes for centuries. There were also historic attempts throughout the centuries to promote this idea on battlefields. But then in the span of 12 months centuries of hopes and wars coalesced into a resounding assertion that the Ukrainian nation will finally become ruler of its land and destiny. It will bow to no one. Taking advantage of the bloody chaos of the anti-Tsarist revolution in Russia and disavowing all Russian assurances, promises and subversions, the leadership of the Ukrainian national revolution backed by the peasants, workers and soldiers arose in unison in support of independence and statehood.

A Russian-language newspaper in Kyiv of the day summarized the mood of the nation: “Here and there a Ukrainian volunteer spoke harshly: ‘The Russian democracy is against us; it is against Ukraine.’”

Ukrainians weren’t caught up in the events that John Reed said shook the world. They were creating their own destiny that was built on national freedom, justice and democracy. They were building an inclusive nation-state that included all classes of its society as well as ethnic or national groups living in Ukraine. While Russia was ripping itself apart and killing one or another group of opponents as it oscillated between tsarist, whites, liberal democrats and reds, Ukrainians were solidly focused on their independence and sovereignty. In his article titled “National Revolution in Ukraine, 1917-1919,” Nicholas D. Czubatyj (1889-1975), the first editor of The Ukrainian Quarterly, who I cited in a previous post, wrote that Ukraine was an oasis of peace, stability, discipline, dedication and commitment to a serious discussion of the vital ideas regarding its independence and sovereignty. While at the same time Russia was a den of intrigue, deceit and murder.

A series of meetings, conventions, congresses and four declarations honed Ukraine’s vision of its self-determination. Despite Russia’s devious attempts to penetrate the conclaves and highjack the deliberations, the Ukrainian side prevailed and circumvented Moscow’s heinous plans. The founding fathers of the soon-to-be independent Ukraine rejected all overt and covert efforts by Moscow to restrain Ukrainians’ march to freedom and re-subjugate the nation.

As Czubatyj wrote, Ukraine wisely took advantage of the murderous anarchy in Russia. “On November 20, 1917, the Central Rada issued the Third Universal, which emphasized definitely the international position of Ukraine. With this Ukraine formally proclaimed herself a Ukrainian National Republic. She severed herself from Soviet Russia, that is she ceased to recognize any form of power wielded by the Soviet of People’s Commissars, which made her a de facto independent nation. The Third Universal envisioned the formation of a federation of equal nations in Russia, and it proposed a radical agrarian reform for the peasants and an eight-hour workday for the workers. Likewise it assured cultural autonomy for all the national minorities in the country.

“Simultaneously, the Central Rada set the elections for the Ukrainian Constituent Assembly for January 9, 1918, and appointed the first meeting of it for the following January 22.

“Ukrainian people and all minority nations in Ukraine,” the Third Universal proclaimed. “A serious and dangerous hours has fallen upon the lands of the Russian Republic. In the cities of the north a bloody civil war is being waged. There is no central government; anarchy, disorder and ruin are spreading over the entire country. Out land also is in danger. Without a powerful, unified, national government, Ukraine can also fall into the abyss of civil revolution, bloodshed, and decadence … From today, Ukraine becomes the Ukrainian National Republic.”

The Ukrainian National Republic – or Ukrayinska Narodna Respublika. Czubatyj pointed out that the Ukrainian conservatives read into that appellation Ukrainian National Republic, while Ukrainian independence-minded socialists saw it as meaning “people’s.” Nonetheless, it was going to be an independent republic of the Ukrainian people.

“The meaning of the word ‘narod’ includes the two meanings. The supporters of all groups agreed upon the word, which had become a slogan wherever the Russian revolutionary movement penetrated,” Czubatyj opined.

The Russians kept themselves busy at this time, plotting to subvert the pro-Ukraine movement and convening its All-Ukrainian Convention of Councils, which the legitimate blue-and-yellow Ukrainian government naively did not forbid but fortunately saw to it that there were Ukrainian patriots present.

Czubatyj’s analysis showed that Ukrainians regarded with disdain everything from Moscow and that Bolshevism itself was a solely Russian gambit to subjugate Ukraine.

“The meeting proved clearly that Bolshevism in Ukraine was an external intrigue of the Russian government against the independence of Ukraine. Of the 2,000 delegates, only 150 delegates (and the majority of these were non-Ukrainian) took a stand against the Central Rada. The overwhelming majority announced full loyalty to the Central Rada. The meeting therefore became an enthusiastic demonstration for the independent government of Ukraine.

“This historic conference of the Ukrainian Councils at which the Bolsheviks suffered such an inglorious defeat, adopted the following resolution: ‘The meeting of the Ukrainian Councils emphasizes its definite decision that the Central Rada in its further work stand solidly on guard over the achievement of the revolution, spreading and deepening without halt the revolutionary activity to safeguard the class interests of a laboring democracy and call together without delay the Ukrainian Constituent Assembly, which alone can reveal the true will of all democratic Ukraine. The meeting of the Councils of Peasants, Workers and Soldiers’ Delegates of Ukraine in this manner expresses to the Ukrainian Central Rada its full confidence and promises it its absolute support … ‘On paper,’ continues the resolution, the Soviet of People’s Commissars seemingly recognizes the right of a motion to self-determination and even to separation but only in words. In fact the government of Commissars brutally attempts to interfere in the activities of the Ukrainian government which executes the will of the legislative organ of the Ukrainian Central Rada. What sort of self-determination is this? It is certain that Commissars will permit self-determination only to their own part; all other groups and peoples (nations) they, like the Tsarist regime, desire to keep under their domination by force of arms. But the Ukrainian people did not cast off the Tsarist yoke only to take upon themselves the yoke of the Commissars.”

The salient reference here is that the Ukrainian leadership understood that freedom, independence, sovereignty and statehood for Ukraine can only exist outside the Russian prison of nations. The Kremlin in any of its manifestations is the nemesis of Ukraine. The existing foreign powers of the day, the tsars, and other Russian groups, notably the Bolsheviks, whose successors today still rule with an iron fist in the Kremlin, are and will be enemies of the Ukrainian nation.

In other words the Ukrainians and their leadership rejected all notions and solutions from deceitful Moscow. Kyiv was committed to its own independent future. However, as is its legacy, despite its own internecine bloodbath, Russia has been persistent in its mission to deny Ukrainians of their just claim to self-determination.

On January 22, 1918, the Ukrainian nation severed all shackles to Russia with the Fourth Universal. On January 22, 1919, the Ukrainian National Republic with Kyiv as its capital and the Western Ukrainian National Republic with its capital in Lviv united into a single, indivisible state. The words of the unification decree should be carved into the hearts, minds and souls of all Ukrainians today: “From today, until the end of time, there will be One, Undivided, Independent Ukrainian People’s Republic.” And nothing and no one, Russia included, will ever tear it asunder.

Expressions of national independence continued throughout the 20^th century. On March 15, 1939, Ukrainians declared the establishment of an independent Carpatho-Ukrainian Republic. Then in the throes of World War II, when the Ukrainian nation was fighting for its life against Soviet Russia and Nazi Germany, the Ukrainian nation, under the leadership of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, again declared its national independence with a suitable declaration on June 30, 1941. Decades later, on August 24, 1991, independence was reaffirmed with a resounding greater than 90% of the people’s support.

Throughout the modern era, the Ukrainian nation has persistently underscored that its safest course of action is national independence, sovereignty as well as disassociation from Russia. As Czubatyj wrote: “Just as dew disappears in the sunlight, so the old conception of autonomy in a federation has disappeared among the European Ukrainians. The idea of an independent and united Ukraine remains unchallenged today.”

There are no righteous among Russian democrats, liberals or humanitarians. They don’t deserve Ukraine’s trust. Ukrainian negotiators in the peace talks to end the latest war with Russia would do well to remember that.

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