Thursday, November 20, 2014

Maidan: 12 Months that Shook the World
Twelve months ago, the sudden, dramatic turnaround by Viktor Yanukovych and his lackeys in government and the Verkhovna Rada about Ukraine’s accession to the European Union Agreement, orchestrated by the Kremlin, has gone down in history as a most fateful decision that destroyed peace, stability and security in Europe.
On the other hand, the subsequent popular, national Maidan revolution, blazoned with abundant flags of Ukraine, EU, NATO and OUN, opened a new chapter for Ukrainians and genuinely liberated Ukraine from Russia’s prison of nations.
In the course of a year, traitors were uncovered, a new generation of heroes was anointed, the first Lenin monument in Kyiv crashed to the ground on December 8, 2013, followed by hundreds more across Ukraine, Yanukovych and his henchmen fled Kyiv on February 22, 2014, Putin launched the Russo-Ukraine War of 2014 on February 28, 2014, and Russia bared its imperialistic nature. World leaders and pundits consequently began to understand what generations of Ukrainians and other former captive nations have been saying about innate Russian aggression.
What began on November 21, 2013, as a massive national demonstration on the streets of Kyiv against Yanukovych’s decision, known as Maidan, evolved into a national revolution that despite Russian instigated violence and killings managed to oust Russia’s governor in Ukraine and his supporters. It also cemented the Ukrainian nation’s yearning to become a part of Europe and break the chains that have bonded it to Russia for nearly four centuries.
The events associated with that day will be inscribed in the history of Ukraine along with other manifestations of national will, self-determination, independence and sovereignty:
January 22, 1918 – declaration of independence of Ukraine;
November 1, 1918 – declaration of independence of Western Ukraine;
January 22, 1919 – proclamation of unity of Ukraine;
March 15, 1939 – declaration of independence of Carpatho-Ukraine;
June 30, 1041 – declaration restoring independence of Ukraine;
August 24, 1991 – the ultimate declaration of independence of Ukraine.
To commemorate this day and its heroes, President Poroshenko is expected to sign Decrees on Annual Commemoration of the Day of Dignity and Freedom on November 21 and the Day of Unity of Ukraine on January 22.
“Ukraine is the territory of dignity and freedom originated from two revolutions – our Maidan of 2004, which was the Holiday of Freedom, and the Revolution of 2013, the Revolution of Dignity. It was an extremely difficult challenge for Ukraine, when Ukrainians demonstrated their Europeanness, dignity and desire for freedom. As President of Ukraine, I must documentarily attest it and sign the Decree on the Day of Dignity and Freedom that will be celebrated by Ukrainians on November 21 from here to eternity,” Poroshenko explained why the dates would be officially recognized.
In time for the anniversary of Maidan, Civicua.org, called Prostir, a Ukrainian NGO dedicated to fostering Ukrainian national and democratic values, released the results of a national survey about Maidan – or Euromaidan as it is also called to emphasize the linkage between Europe and Ukraine – that confirmed the national scope of the revolution.
The survey found that some 20% of the population actively participated in the revolution on the streets of Kyiv or their hometowns. With Ukraine’s population at 45.3 million, that means there were 9.6 million revolutionaries. They were supported with goods, services and funds by 9% of the population.
Those figures by themselves are a testimony to the widespread desire of Ukrainians to change their status and fulfill their sovereign aspirations.
RFE/RL related a heartwarming story about Maryna Sochenko of Kyiv, who told the radio’s correspondent that her sketchbook was permanently at her side on Maidan from the first day. The radio report continued that a year later, Sochenko flips quickly through an endless pile of canvasses and drawings in her studio as she marks the first anniversary of the protests with an exhibition of her portraits of the faces of Maidan.
“There were so many different types of people,” she observed. “The most interesting thing is the geography, of course. I didn’t go looking for people. They came to find me. This one is from Sevastopol. This one from Kherson. Here is a journalist from Kyiv. All of Ukraine is here.”
Prostir reported that the largest group of protesters, according to the survey Fund Democratic Initiatives of Ilko Kucheriv and the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology, were western Ukrainians. Of them, 7% participated in protests in Kyiv and 26% in other cities and villages. About one-third of them helped the protesters. In the Central Kyiv region, 9.5% of the people participated in the revolution and 2% in other urban and rural areas, while 7.5% helped protesters.
At that time, Ukrainian community organizations, trade unions, municipal agencies and small businesses chartered buses, trains and other forms of transportation for their people to join the revolution.
Of the demonstrators, 25% had higher education; 15% – special secondary schools; 14% completed secondary 14%; and 7%  – middle school. All age groups were represented in the protests from teenagers to senior citizens, the survey showed.
In analyzing what Euromaidan meant for them, the demonstrators’ prevailing opinion (38%) was that it was a “conscious struggle of citizens coming together to protect their rights,” another 17% believe that the protests were spontaneous. One third of the respondents regarded Euromaidan as a coup against the Russian-controlled Yanukovych regime, 16% thought it was prepared by the political opposition, and 15% felt it was sponsored by the West.
Of those who took part in protests in Kyiv, 76% said they would vote in a referendum for Ukraine’s accession to NATO, and among those who took part in protests outside Kyiv, supporters rose to 90%.
Another revealing characteristic of the Euromaidan revolution was that it was a rebellion against Yanukovych and his cabal and Russia staged by all Ukrainians – Ukrainian and Russian-speaking Ukrainians, as well as Catholics, Orthodox, Jews and others.
Regardless how you analyze the numbers, Euromaidan was a national revolution for a better Ukraine, one that would be a member of Europe, and one that would shed its shackles to Russia.
Srdja Popvic and Slobodan Djinovic, in their article “Remember What They Died for on the Maidan” in the November 3 edition of Foreign Policy, observed:
“Western governments have failed to reinforce the message that though democracy may not be a perfect system, it is still better and fairer than any other system civilization has ever discovered. Do not forget that it was the Ukrainians, not Germans, French, or Brits, who put their lives on the line and died by the hundreds this spring on the Maidan under the banners of the European Union. They gave their lives for these values. Are we going to let their sacrifice be in vain?”
Support for Maidan is not universal. As can be expected, Russia detests Maidan as much as it detests the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), democracy, free press and human rights. Its news outlet “RT” vindictively commented that Maidan signaled the start of Ukraine’s destruction.
Indeed, we – those who participated, survived, witnessed it or watched the web streams – can’t let Maidan’s sacrifice be in vain no more than we can let the sacrifices of their predecessors who fought for Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and indivisibility be in vain.
Proclamations, monuments, gravestones, stamps and memorials are visible examples of eternal memorials. A greater impact will be made if the memory of Maidan inspires and lives perpetually in the hearts and souls of Ukrainians everywhere.

See Prostir’s website for a slideshow about Maidan: http://www.slideshare.net/ProstirUA/ss-41804556

Sunday, November 16, 2014

Notable Quotes from G20
I was opposed to Vladimir Putin’s presence at the G20 summit in Australia because imperialists, warmongers, invaders and global bullies should not associate with democratic leaders of the free world. I still am against Putin’s participation in any global event but fortunately, at the G20, the encounters turned out better than expected due to the indignation of the most ardent supporters of Ukraine and opponents of Russia’s invasion and bullying of Ukraine and the world.
The public tongue lashing that Putin endured kept Ukraine and historical Russian imperialism in the forefront of global events, newspapers and pundits. Here is a collection of some of the memorable quotes:

“Well I guess I’ll shake your hand, but I only have one thing to say to you: you need to get out of Ukraine.”
Stephen Harper, Prime Minister of Canada

“I am very frank when I meet with him [Putin] that the things that Russia has done in Ukraine are unacceptable.”

“Russia is being much more assertive now than it has been for a very long time. Interestingly, Russia’s economy is declining even as Russia’s assertiveness is increasing.”

“Russian action in Ukraine is unacceptable. We have to be clear about what we are dealing with. It is a large state bullying a smaller state in Europe. We have seen the consequences of that in the past and we should learn the lessons of history and make sure we don't let it happen again.”

“If Russia takes a positive approach toward Ukraine’s freedom and responsibility, we could see those sanctions removed, if Russia continues to make matters worse then we could see those sanctions increased, it’s as simple as that.”

“It’s important to warn of the dangers if Russia continues to head in the other direction.”

“There’s a real choice here, there’s a different and better way for Russia to behave that could lead to an easing of relations, but at the moment he’s not taking that path.”

“If that path continues and if that destabilization gets worse, the rest of the world, Europe, America, Britain, will have no choice but to take further action in terms of sanctions.”

“I would still hope that the Russians will see sense and recognize that they should allow Ukraine to develop as an independent and free country, free to make its choices.”

“There is a more incipient, creeping threat to our values that I want to mention. It comes from those who say that [traditional Western democracies] will be out-competed and outgunned by countries that believe there is a shortcut to success—a new model of authoritarian capitalism that is unencumbered by the values and restrictions that we place upon ourselves. We should have the confidence to reject this view and stay true to our values.”

“If he continues to destabilize Ukraine, there’ll be further sanctions, further measures, and there will be a completely different relationship between European countries and America on the one hand, and Russia on the other.”
David Cameron, Prime Minister of Great Britain

“I am going to be saying to Mr. Putin: Australians were murdered. They were murdered by Russian-backed rebels using Russian-supplied equipment. We are very unhappy about this.”

“Let’s not forget that Russia has been much more militarily assertive in recent times. We’re seeing, regrettably, a great deal of Russian assertiveness right now in Ukraine.”

“Russia would be so much more attractive if it was aspiring to be a superpower for peace and freedom and prosperity, instead of trying to recreate the lost glories of tsarism or the old Soviet Union.”

“There is a heavy responsibility on Russia to come clean and atone” adding that Moscow’s bullying of Kiev was part of a “regrettable pattern” that included the stationing of a naval fleet in the South Pacific.
Tony Abbott, Prime Minister of Australia

“We are also very firm on the need to uphold core international principles. And one of those principles is that you don't invade other countries or finance proxies and support them in ways that break up a country that has mechanisms for democratic elections.”

“At this point the sanctions we have in place are biting plenty good. We retain the capability, and we have our teams constantly looking at mechanisms in which to turn up additional pressure as necessary.”

The United States was at the forefront of “opposing Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, which is a threat to the world, as we saw in the appalling shoot-down of MH17.”

“What is concerning me quite more is that the territorial integrity of Ukraine is being violated and that the agreement of Minsk is not followed.”

“If he continues down the path that he is on -- violating international law; providing heavy arms to the separatists in Ukraine; violating an agreement that he agreed to just a few weeks ago, the Minsk Agreement, that would have lowered the temperature and the killing in the disputed areas and make providing us a pathway for a diplomatic resolution – then the isolation that Russia is currently experiencing will continue.”
Barack Obama, President of the USA

We oppose “Russia's purported annexation of Crimea and its actions to destabilize eastern Ukraine,” and were committed to “bringing to justice those responsible for the downing of Flight MH17.”
President Barack Obama, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott

“It’s clear that these geopolitical tensions, including relations with Russia, are not really conducive to promoting growth. We are all striving to do everything diplomatically possible to see improvements.”
Angela Merkel, Chancellor of Germany

“Russia has still the opportunity to fulfil its Minsk commitments to choose the path of de-escalation, which could allow sanctions to be rolled back. If it does not, however, we are ready to consider additional actions. We will continue to use all the diplomatic tools, including sanctions, at our disposal … the EU foreign ministers will on Monday assess the situation on the ground and discuss possible further steps.”
Herman van Rompuy, President of the European Union

“The current situation is not sustainable for world peace and the economy.”
UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon

“(Putin) won’t stop at Ukraine, he wants to re-form the Soviet Union. He is an evil man, a murderer not welcome in Australia.’’
Irene Stawiski, Ukrainian Australian, part of group that staged an anti-Putin protest, wearing headbands reading “Putin, Killer.”

“While Ukraine has not sought ‘boots on the ground’ from the West, it does deserve the material support of G20 leaders who are recognizing that it is the place where the major threat to international peace and prosperity is most apparent. As a buffer to Putin, it does deserve greater political and economic engagement, where countries like Australia can continue its leadership.
“Ukraine’s fight is the world’s fight – and the world needs to invest in defending itself from Putin’s neo-imperial ambitions and aggression.”
Stefan Romaniw, President of Australian Federation of Ukrainian Organizations

Putin replied coldly and aloofly as the KGB taught him that he cannot withdraw from Ukraine because Russia is not in Ukraine. The conflict in Ukraine is an internal one. Russia is not an aggressor. So far, world leaders have rejected Putin’s lies but, oddly, accepted him.
Despite these visible, undiplomatic but welcome expressions of condemnation, the photo-ops of the G20 showed a different picture. In reality, there were strong words, handshakes and smiles. Putin and Abbott even glowed while posing together with koalas in their arms. I guess these cuddly animals could melt animosity, Russian imperialism and gross violations of international order. USA Today picked up on this point in a story headlined “Good Cheer Masks Ukraine Tension at G-20 Summit.”
“Throughout the day, summit participants exuded good cheer and camaraderie. Despite Australia having lobbied for Vladimir Putin to be dis-invited, the Russian leader was greeted warmly. He chatted amiably with German Chancellor Angela Merkel and exchanged pleasantries with Abbott,” the newspaper wrote.

We can only hope that the words of censure, pressure to withdraw from Ukraine, threats of more sanctions and indignation will survive beyond the good cheer and smiles displayed in the photos.