Zelenskyy Declares He’ll never Surrender Donbas to Russia

Despite Russian demands that Ukraine cede its land to Muscovy and Washington’s acceptance of such a gambit to end Moscow’s latest aggression against Ukraine, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has again categorically declared that he would never surrender Donbas to terrorist Russia.  

Zelenskyy said Ukraine is not prepared to give up Donbas, as the region holds the country’s strongest defensive strongholds. Withdrawing troops would open the way for Russian forces to advance deeper into Ukraine, he said in an interview with the Italian newspaper Corriere della Sera.

Responding to a question about whether Ukraine would be willing to abandon Donbas in exchange for security guarantees from allies, Zelenskyy emphasized that “Russians do not want foreign troops in Ukraine, and Europe must be firmer on this issue.”

“I am not going to question whether there are foreign troops in Russia — for example, 10,000 North Korean soldiers. I do not understand why Moscow should decide which troops are stationed on our land,” the president insisted.

“But I want to state clearly: I will never abandon Donbas and the 200,000 Ukrainians who live there. Why should I do that? Because Putin imposes it as a condition for peace? And will he immediately put forward new demands? No, I will not tolerate that,” he added.

When asked whether negotiations included exchanging Russian-unoccupied areas of Donbas for territories captured by Russia in the Sumy and Kharkiv regions, the president stressed that “these lands cannot be compared.”

“First of all, when we talk about border territories — any border territories — they are very difficult for the enemy to hold. The Russians clearly understand they won’t be able to keep them, and the time will come when we will push them out. So this is not a gift,” Zelenskyy said.

At the same time, he noted that Donbas remains a key objective for Russia. The president emphasized that Russia’s strategic goals have hardly changed since the start of the war.

“You could say their appetite has decreased slightly, but only for now. Therefore, we are not talking about exchanging small border territories for the large territory of Donbas or the Donetsk region that we currently control,” Zelenskyy said.

He added that if the aggressor state chooses to withdraw from negotiations, Ukraine will seek another way to end the war.

Zelenskyy noted that Ukraine’s best defensive positions are located in Donbas, and if Ukrainian troops withdraw, Russian forces would gain full freedom of action toward the center of the country.

“Let’s imagine it’s not Europeans but Americans who send their troops — for how long?” he said.

Zelenskyy also drew a parallel with the withdrawal of US forces from Afghanistan.

“What will happen if, in 10 years, it’s not Trump but another US president who decides to withdraw troops? We need a strong Ukrainian defense line,” he concluded.

In the meantime, Russia’s war against Ukraine continues along with its killings.

At least six people were killed and 35 others were injured in Russian attacks against Ukraine over the past day, local authorities said on March 3.

Russia launched 136 drones at Ukraine overnight, the Ukrainian Air Force said, reporting that Ukrainian air defenses intercepted 127 unmanned aircraft. At least five drones evaded defenses and struck three locations. The fall of debris was recorded in three locations.

At least three people were killed and 30 others injured in Russian attacks against Ukraine over the past day, local authorities said on March 4.

Russia launched 149 drones at Ukraine overnight, the Air Force said, reporting that Ukrainian air defenses intercepted 129. At least 19 drones evaded defenses and struck 15 locations. The fall of debris was recorded at one location.

Apparently Iran saved some of its drones for Russians to use against Ukraine.

Russians Brutally Execute 337+ Ukrainian POWs

Russia has “deliberately and brutally” executed at least 337 Ukrainian prisoners of war (POWs) as of the end of 2025, Ukraine’s Human Rights Ombudsman, Dmytro Lubinets, said on March 3 during a meeting of the UN Human Rights Council, according to The Kyiv Independent.

“Russia has turned torture into state policy and uses it as a weapon,” Lubinets said in a post on Telegram.

Lubinets added that, according to UN data, 95% of Ukrainian POWs are systematically tortured in captivity.

Lubinets called on the international community to increase pressure on Russia, ensure that every crime is fully documented, and bring those responsible to justice.

“This issue is critically important — the world cannot stand aside,” he said.

The mistreatment of prisoners of war constitutes a violation of international humanitarian law, including the 1949 Geneva Conventions.

The European Union, condemning the execution of Ukrainian soldiers, stated in 2024: Executions of Ukrainian prisoners of war by Russia are increasing, with at least 177 prisoners of war having died in Russian captivity since the beginning of Russia’s war of aggression, according to reliable sources. Nine Ukrainian prisoners of war were reportedly shot by Russian troops in the Kursk region on 10 October. On 1 October, 16 prisoners of war were reportedly executed by Russia in Donetsk oblast after their surrender.

“The European Union strongly condemns these killings, which are another abhorrent example of Russia’s brutalization of the Ukrainian people. These cases are appalling and represent grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions. They demonstrate Russia’s continued and systematic disregard for international law, and in particular, international humanitarian law. Russia has clear obligations under the United Nations Charter and international law it must fulfill.

“That Russian public figures publicly call for the execution of Ukrainian prisoners of war, and glorify these executions, calling for more, exposes yet again the real nature of the regime in the Kremlin.

“The UN Human Rights Office (OHCHR) already confirmed the systematic use of a wide range of different methods of torture, including sexual violence, against Ukrainian prisoners of war by their Russian captors. The EU also condemns the prisoners’ lack of access to the outside world and the denial of humanitarian access for independent monitors.

“The EU reiterates its firm commitment to holding to account all perpetrators and accomplices of Russian war crimes against Ukraine.”

Russian torture and mistreatment of Ukrainian POWs is a repeated crimes against humanity

The HRMMU reported that Ukrainian soldiers had their personal belongings stolen during admission into POW camps, and that the prisoners were taken to the camps into overcrowded buses, with little to no access to water and toilets; many were blindfolded with their wrists bound with duct tape in a way that left many with wounds in these areas. The same was reported inside the camps themselves, with many POWs reporting overcrowded cells, as well as a lack of food, hygiene and contact with their families.

Humiliation of captured Ukrainian soldiers

Videos showing Ukrainian prisoners of war being forced to sing pro-Russian songs or carrying bruises have attracted concerns about their treatment. Dmytro Lubinets claimed that Russians forcibly shaved heads of female Ukrainian prisoners.

Ukrainian prisoner of war and human rights activist Maksym Butkevych was sentenced to 13 years in prison. The vast majority of Ukrainian prisoners who had in the hands of the Russian and Russian-affiliated armed groups reported that they had been interned in dire conditions and subjected to torture and ill-treatment, including beatings, threats, dog attacks, mock executions, as well as electric and positional torture. Several women and male prisoners were threatened with sexual violence and subjected to degrading treatments and enforced nudity. A male prisoner reportedly had been pulled with ropes tied around genitalia. The UN agency also collected information about nine possible cases of death during the “admission procedure” to the internment camps.

The United Nations Special Rapporteur on torture said in September 2023 that Russia’s use of torture “is not random, aberrant behavior” but “orchestrated as part of state policy to intimidate, instill fear or punish to extract information and confessions.”

Polish Minister: If Ukraine Falls to Russia so will Europe

Poland’s Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski said in a major policy speech last week that Ukraine’s defensive war against Russia is “our war” and warned that if Ukraine loses the danger from Russia will only grow, reported Intellinews.com.

“This war will decide which actor becomes the third pillar of the new global balance of power alongside the United States and China — whether it is Russia or the European Union,” Sikorski said.

It would be a serious mistake if this war were treated as a distant or secondary issue, Sikorski said. A Russian victory would shift the burden directly to NATO’s eastern flank and increase the financial and military cost of deterrence for Poland and its allies, he said.

“If Ukraine loses, the danger from Russia will only grow ... In 2022-25, the EU and its member states supported Ukraine with nearly €200 billion ($234,095,000,000. Defending NATO’s eastern flank in the event of a Russian aggression would have cost €1,200 billion (1,404,660,000.00) at least,” Sikorski said.

To ensure that Russia does not consider attacking Poland or NATO in Eastern Europe, Poland must maintain high defense spending and build an “army strong enough to deter Russia,” Sikorski said.

The minister cited defense spending in this year’s budget at 4.8% of GDP, the highest proportion in NATO, Sikorski said.

Ukraine’s ambition to join the European Union is part of that strategic calculation, Sikorski said. Enlargement would anchor democratic reform in Kyiv and extend stability eastwards, however accession will require meeting strict criteria and sustained reform, Sikorski said.

Integrating Ukraine into European structures also enhances Poland’s long-term security, Sikorski pointed out.

Sikorski praised Ukrainians who have settled in Poland since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion. Ukrainians have high employment rates, contribute taxes and social security payments and help fill labor shortages across sectors from services to manufacturing, he said. Their contribution to public finances exceeds the value of benefits received, Sikorski added that solidarity has strengthened, rather than weakened, the Polish economy.

Continuing about the effects of Russia aggression in Ukraine, former Lithuanian Prime Minister Ingrida Šimonytė told The New Voice of Ukraine who should be responsible for Ukraine’s security after the war ends, outlining the roles of allies and long-term guarantees needed to prevent renewed aggression on February. 27.

Ukraine must receive security guarantees that would serve as a real deterrent to the Russian dictator, Ingrida Šimonytė said, especially as Vladimir Putin seeks to influence the debate on security guarantees in order to make them nominal rather than substantive.

“I think they must be real legal commitments. Not another Budapest Memorandum, which is a declaration of goodwill. This must be a political commitment. They must be ratified by parliaments. These must be real obligations of the participating states,” she added.

At the same time, Šimonytė emphasized that the main security guarantee will always be the Ukrainian army. “This is the security guarantee that has worked throughout these four years. Despite the fact that Russia is larger and has more manpower,” she said. “The Ukrainian army is well equipped and well trained, with all the new technologies it has managed to develop during the war.”

Another example of the former captive nations’ fear and distrust of Russia is Estonia’s plan to install up to 600 concrete bunkers along its eastern land border as part of the joint Baltic Defense Line with Latvia and Lithuania.

The Estonian Center for Defense Investments (ECDI) and Latvia’s Ministry of Defense have launched a public procurement for the bunkers. The total cost is estimated at €60 million, with about €30 million allocated for this year, ECDI spokesperson Krismar Rosin said.

“The first Baltic Defense Line bunkers have been delivered, and installation is proceeding gradually in Southeastern and Northeastern Estonia,” ECDI deputy director Asko Kivinuk said. “The experience gained gives us the confidence to move forward with the larger-scale procurement.”

Estonia has also deployed all acquired barriers to pre-deployment areas and is continuing work on the defense line’s anti-tank ditches. The ECDI aims to complete the Baltic Defense Line at its currently planned scale by the end of 2027.

The initiative is designed to halt a potential military attack right at the eastern borders of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. 

President Trump: The Issue Isn’t Rocket Science

Ever since President Donald Trump got involved in the negotiations to end Russia’s war against Ukraine I have noticed that the White House team didn’t understand why Moscow invaded Ukraine, why Russia is aggressive against Ukraine, why it wants sovereign Ukrainian land, and why Putin hates Zelenskyy. Consequently, as I have written, this conundrum in the mind of the American president has lead him and his team to enunciate a fictitious state of parity between the Nazi-like dictator of Russia and the democratically elected leader of Ukraine, which Trump falsely believes can help resolve the issue and bring peace to the region. Trump browbeating Zelenskyy is unjust and accentuates the American president’s ignorance.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio posed the rhetorical question in the European Pravda of February 26, 2026, sympathetically bemoaning that President Trump does not understand why Ukraine and Russia cannot reach an agreement to end the war.

Rubio was asked by journalists why the American president’s frustration appears to be directed equally at both Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Vladimir Putin – though he does arm twist Zelenskyy more than Putin to come to the table and accept a deal – given that Russia continues to strike civilian infrastructure and civilians across Ukraine.

He replied that Trump’s frustration is general in nature, as reflected in his previous statements.

“He just doesn't understand how two countries in such a vicious, horrific, and bloody war cannot reach an understanding on how to end it. He wants to see it ended, and he's done a lot. He's invested a lot of political capital in this,” Rubio said.

He might have invested a lot in the war’s end but that investment wasn’t backed up by knowledge and comprehension of the issues going back centuries. Simply stated, Russia has been hell bent on invading and subjugating Ukraine while Ukrainians have had to defend their nation against Russian tsarists, communists and “putinists.” Trump doesn’t know that, doesn’t want to know or doesn’t care about that important historical fact.

Kyrylo Budanov, head of Ukraine’s Presidential Office, laid out the issues on the proverbial historical table, pointing out that Russia’s war against Ukraine is rooted in centuries-old imperial ambitions that have not changed despite shifts in regime, like I have been saying.

In an interview with the Arab outlet Al-Modon published in the February 27 edition of the Kyiv Post, Budanov stated that lasting security for Ukraine and Europe will only be possible when Russia ceases to exist as an empire, while firmly rejecting any territorial concessions to Moscow.

Budanov noted that the war has effectively lasted 12 years – since 2014 – longer than the First and Second World Wars combined. Over that time, he said, Russia has grown weaker economically, politically and demographically, but its imperial ambitions have remained intact.

“The change of regimes in Russia has not changed its essence,” he said, adding that neither the tsarist, Soviet nor current system prioritized improving citizens’ lives – tsarist, soviet and putinist.

“The policy of the current Russian president is not much different from the policy of the tsarist or Soviet eras,” he said.

According to Budanov, Russia will not transform through internal processes alone. “We should create conditions under which Russia as an empire will disappear,” he said, suggesting that several regional nation-states could eventually emerge in its place. “Only then will Ukraine, Europe and the whole world feel more secure.”

He stressed that Ukrainians will not accept territorial concessions. The issue of territory, he said, remained central during recent trilateral talks in Geneva involving the US. “Territories are the main issue. Everything else is secondary,” Budanov said, expressing confidence that all occupied lands would eventually be liberated.

The Kremlin’s ultimate goal, he added, is not limited to individual regions but encompasses all of Ukraine. “It is naive to think that Moscow, having seized some territories without a fight, will abandon its expansionist ambitions. Therefore, the only real deterrent is the Ukrainian army.”

Indeed, Moscow’s appetite for Ukraine – its land and people – cannot be slaked by concessions or other forms of appeasement. That’s why Zelenskyy demands that the free world give Ukraine security guarantees that would make Russia suffer painfully if it violates the deal anytime in the future.

Zelenskyy is justly adamant about not surrendering Ukrainian land to Russia for any reason. “Honestly, I do not believe that this is all that Russia demands. Our withdrawal from Donbas, and then the war will end. Russia is Russia, and you cannot trust them,” Zelenskyy said expressing his steadfast decision about no concessions. 

Grin and Bear It or Lie Back and Enjoy It

You may have wondered where are the Russian liberal, democratic human rights activists, the darlings of the Western media, and why aren’t they condemning their despotic führer?

Are there so few of them left that you only hear of them when they’re exiled, arrested or killed, depleting further their sparse ranks?

I’m bemoaning their meagre membership but I am curious about the likes of Andrey Makarevich, who wanted to organize a million man march in Mosco; Alexei Navalny, who died in prison; Boris Nemtsov killed on a bridge, Anna Politkovskaya killed in the entryway to her apartment, and others. As famous as they were, there weren’t enough of them to stand up and depose Putin or pass the mantle to the next generation.

The Guardian in Great Britain also wondered in its February 22, 2026, edition. The newspaper stated: “The strategy of Russia’s liberal elite is clear: make your peace with Putin. This is how they survive.”

So it seems as if they went underground ideologically rather than challenge him.

Twelve years into the latest Russian invasion of Ukraine as well as seizure of Crimea and Luhansk and Donetsk, Russia’s intellectual elite has shown no sign of resisting the very difficult spot that Putin placed them in by acting without their consultation. Instead, the so-called dissidents or wannabe dissidents have largely adapted, reshaping itself in ways that ensure its survival in what increasingly looks like a state of permanent conflict. They also boast of the proper Soviet political lineage. But they’re nowhere near the previous generation’s courage of Andrei Sakharov, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, Andrei Amalrik, Liudmyla Alekseyeva and others. They naively fought for a regime change, for a Kremlin with a human face, not realizing that Russia itself breeds multilateral despotism. They fought against Putin not against the evil of Russia.

The newspaper used as examples of this disappearing act Nikita Mikhalkov and Olga Lyubimova, current minister of culture of Russia.

Mikhalkov’s father, Sergei, wrote the Soviet national anthem under Joseph Stalin, rewrote it during the thaw and revised it again under Putin. The son would have had an easy time of joining the political elite. Nikita, now 80, is a clearcut imperialist and a close ally of Putin.

Olga Lyubimova was more colorful in her explanation as she struggles between the two lifestyles—brave and not; official or unseen.

The Guardian wrote that as a prominent and well-connected member of Russia’s elite, Lyubimova is perhaps the clearest example of how that elite has adapted to Moscow’s aggressive, imperial reality. She started her career in the early 2000s as an aspiring television journalist, but from the early days relied on her connections with Mikhalkov and the Russian Orthodox Church. And yet she happily mixed with Moscow liberals – in the 2000s it still appeared possible to make your career without thinking too much about the Kremlin. Many in Russia were once part of this group, the Guardian pointed out.

Some of her friends and acquaintances also had the proper pedigree as descendants of prominent Soviet families and felt nostalgic for the status they had lost with the collapse of the Soviet Union. As journalists, many reported from post-Soviet hotspots in the 1990s – South Ossetia, Abkhazia, but also Serbia – and became convinced of the existence of a large US conspiracy against the Russian empire and its traditional allies.

And most of them, being ambitious, wanted a role in Russian history. But how can they penetrate it. They became convinced that in a country such as Russia, this could only be achieved by serving the ruler: you are either “in” or “out” – and if you are out, you are a loser. There’s no other way. They had embraced this logic before 2022. Now, in a time of repression targeting many Russian state institutions – including the culture ministry – this logic feels sounder still. So what can they do? Do they deceive themselves? In their minds it comes down to realizing that it doesn’t pay to tangle to Putin.

But it was Lyubimova who probably offered the most succinct explanation of why people like her – neither narrow-minded nor brainwashed – chose to side with the Kremlin. After all that would be their salvation rather than betrayal. When Moscow was deeply shaken by mass protests in 2010-11 against Putin’s return to the Kremlin, Lyubimova’s liberal friends joined the demonstrations. She abstained. She responded by publishing online what she called Lyubimova’s manifesto for surviving in this brutal Russia:

“I lie on my back, spread my legs, breathe deeply, and even try to enjoy it.”

Now that’s a quote that she’ll be proud to show her descendants. 

Toll of Russia’s War on Ukrainian Children

It’s difficult to say who has suffered more. The children who Russia steals from the arms of their parents? The children who see their parents, loved ones and friends killed or raped by Russian cutthroats? The children who are injured or maimed in Russia’s war against Ukraine?

Certainly not those children who have been killed by Russian invaders since the war started on February 24, 2022.

The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) reported more than 3,200 Ukrainian children have been killed or injured since Russia's invasion began exactly four years ago. The group's representative to Ukraine, Munir Mammadzade, joins Becky Anderson to break down the impact of the conflict on the country's most vulnerable.

More than a third of Ukraine’s children – 2,589,900 – remain displaced as the Russian war vs Ukraine enters its fifth year. This includes more than 791,000 children inside Ukraine and nearly 1,798,900 children living as refugees outside the country.   

“Millions of children and families have fled their homes in search of safety, with 1 in 3 children remaining displaced four years into this relentless war. Obligations under international humanitarian law must be upheld. Every child has the right to grow up in safety and without exception that right must be respected,” said UNICEF Regional Director for Europe and Central Asia Regina De Dominicis.

Many children have been forced to flee their homes multiple times. A recent survey conducted by UNICEF found that of those displaced, 1 in 3 adolescents aged 15-19 years reported moving at least twice. Safety was cited as the most common reason for fleeing.

Bombardments have killed or injured more than 3,200 children since February 24, 2022. Last year saw a 10% increase in child casualties compared to 2024, the third consecutive year in a row that UN-verified child casualties have increased.  

More than 1,700 schools and other education facilities have been damaged or destroyed, resulting in 1 in 3 children unable to attend in-person schooling full-time. 

Recent strikes on energy infrastructure have left millions of children and families struggling to survive in extreme sub-zero temperatures as they are forced to endure days without heating, electricity and water at home. Babies and young children are at the highest risk of respiratory illnesses and hyperthermia in these conditions, while medical facilities struggle to operate under attacks and reduced energy, with nearly 200 medical facilities verified as damaged or destroyed in 2025 alone.

Aside from the physical dangers, children’s mental health is increasingly under strain. Constant fear of attacks, endless sheltering in basements, and isolation at home with limited social connections has left adolescents struggling. A recent survey found that one in four 15-19-year-olds is losing hope of a future in Ukraine, pointing to an urgent need for safety and stability, and investment in the critical services and opportunities that children and young people need. 

“At first, when I came to Bulgaria, it was difficult for me and I didn’t want to talk to anyone. Today I already have friends here, I study in a Bulgarian school, and I dream of becoming a child psychologist because I want to help other children. This is very important,” shared 16-year-old Denys from Ukraine, who has been living in Bulgaria for three years and is part of the “Young Hopes” club in Varna, supported by UNICEF. 

In Bulgaria, since the outbreak of the war, more than 220,000 people have received temporary protection. In 2026, over 80,000 people from Ukraine are still in the country, around 25-30% of whom — or nearly 24,000 — children. UNICEF Bulgaria works with national and local authorities, as well as non-governmental organizations, to ensure access to essential services for vulnerable children and families from Ukraine, including support for education, access to information, help with adaptation, and group and individual support to cope with trauma and uncertainty.

A 2025 UNICEF survey showed that 1 in 5 children reported having lost a close relative or friend. 

Around 70% of children — 3.5 million children — in Ukraine still lack access to basic goods and services, including adequate food or shelter. One-third of Ukraine’s children live in homes without functioning water supply and sewage and nearly half of all children lack access to an area to play at home or outside. Over 3,300 schools and pre-schools have been damaged or destroyed. In frontline areas, many students attend classes in underground shelters due to safety concerns.  

In 2025, delivering through local authorities and partners in Ukraine, UNICEF reached 7 million people, including 2.5 million children with humanitarian support. UNICEF’s recovery programming, working with national and local authorities, strengthened social services for some 9.8 million people across the country.   

UN General Assembly Marks ‘Grim’ 4^th Anniversary of Russian War vs Ukraine but without US Support

UNITED NATIONS – Marking the fourth anniversary of the bloody Russian war that is still raging in Ukraine, the UN General Assembly today adopted a resolution demanding an immediate, full and unconditional ceasefire, as delegates voiced varying degrees of hope and skepticism over ongoing United States-facilitated peace talks.

The Assembly’s 193 members met today – exactly four years since the Russian invasion of Ukraine – in the latest meeting of its Eleventh Emergency Special Session on Ukraine, which was first convened in February 2022.

They adopted the resolution, titled “Support for lasting peace in Ukraine” by a recorded vote of 107 in favor to 12 against, with 51 abstentions.  By its terms, the Assembly called for an immediate ceasefire between Russia and Ukraine, the release of all unlawfully detained persons, and the return of all internees and of civilians forcibly transferred or deported, including children.

While the resolution by the international organization is justified and accurate in its intent, it is mind boggling that the United States decided to abstain from supporting the document. But on the other hand, the action goes hand-in-hand with President Donald Trump’s contrary position regarding Ukraine.

Meanwhile, the US proposed a “motion for division” for the resolution, separating the second paragraph of the background and the second action clause from the rest of the resolution for separate votes.

The motion was strongly objected to by Ukraine’s Deputy Foreign Minister Mariana Betsa, who called it “deeply concerning and cannot be accepted.”

The US deputy envoy to the UN, Tammy Bruce, argued that "Our view is that certain language in the resolution is likely to distract from ongoing negotiations, rather than support discussion of the full range of diplomatic avenues that may pave the way to durable peace."

“This war, initiated by a permanent member of the Security Council in blatant violation of our Charter, continues to inflict untold suffering on the Ukrainian people,” said General Assembly President Annalena Baerbock (Germany), in remarks delivered by Assembly Vice-President Tania Serafim Yvonne Romualdo (Cabo Verde).

Even as peace talks continue, the UN said, 2025 was the deadliest year for civilians since the start of this invasion, she said.  Nearly 4 million people are internally displaced, while homes, healthcare facilities, schools and energy grids have been deliberately targeted and destroyed, leaving people to freeze to death.  “This violence spares no one — not mothers or fathers, not grandparents and certainly not children.”

As the world watched in shock, she said, it would have been easy to remain paralyzed.  But, the General Assembly — too often dismissed as a body with no real power — chose a different path.  With the Security Council deadlocked, the Assembly convened the first meeting of its emergency special session and has since adopted eight resolutions with concrete demands.

“Since the invasion, the General Assembly has remained clear, resolute and unwavering,” she said.  “At a time when the UN is under intense scrutiny and the Security Council remains deadlocked, this Assembly has demonstrated its ability to act as the moral voice of the international community.”

“No country in modern history has endured an attack of such gravity,” said Mariana Betsa, Ukraine’s Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs, who introduced today’s resolution.  Russia seeks to divide the world into spheres of influence and render Ukraine its satellite, she said, but it will not succeed.

Despite many peace efforts, Betsa said, Moscow has demonstrated no genuine willingness to stop its aggression.  Between 8 and 15 February, it launched some 1,300 attack drones, more than 1,200 guided aerial bombs and 50 missiles against Ukraine, most of them ballistic.  Ukraine, on the other hand, has shown clear readiness to pursue peace, including through extremely difficult compromises.

Painting a vivid picture of life in Ukraine without heat or electricity in frigid winter conditions, she declared:  “This is not a military strategy gone wrong, this is a deliberate Russian State policy.”  Moscow continues to weaponize winter, cold and darkness to break her nation’s resilience. Ironically, the New York Post recognized Russian  intention to weaponize the frigid winter cold but noted that Moscow failed. The gambit made Ukrainians more resilient and stubborn in the face of these Russian cruel efforts.

Against that bleak backdrop, she urged Member-States to vote in favor of the draft resolution before them today, emphasizing that it is no mere “political gesture,” but a vote for justice, peace and in support of the Ukrainian people.

Ambassador Tammy Bruce, deputy UN representative of the US, insisted that

“The Russia-Ukraine war must end now. Under President Trump’s leadership, the United States continues to devote energy and effort at the highest levels to bring both Russia and Ukraine closer to a negotiated agreement that will finally end the bloodshed and destruction.” Bruce, like the entire Trump team, emphasized the unjust concept parity rather than placing the onus on the perpetrator Russia.

“Ending the war, of course, is the right thing to do, but no one is suggesting it will be easy. It will require sacrifices and compromises. In this regard, the United States calls on everyone to do all in their power to lower the rhetoric and engage in good faith,” Bruce said.

“The United States welcomes, of course, the call for an immediate ceasefire. As we’ve said, this resolution also includes language that is likely to distract from ongoing negotiations, rather than support discussion of the full range of diplomatic avenues that may pave the way to that durable peace. For this reason, the United States called for a vote on the two paragraphs and ultimately chose to abstain on the resolution.

“What is needed now to end the war is political will. We believe we are closer to a deal than at any point since this war began. Let this be the last anniversary of an ongoing war that has continued for far too long and at far too great a cost. Let’s end it now,” she said.

“Today, we mark a tragic anniversary,” said the European Union’s delegate, in its capacity as observer.  Moscow continues to intentionally attack civilians and civilian infrastructure, which are war crimes.  “Politically, the war has deepened divisions between countries and eroded trust in international institutions and norms,” he said, adding that it has also impacted trade, food security and other critical systems around the globe.

“We want this war to stop,” said the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Latvia, echoing those points.  “Russia’s war is an imperial and colonial war,” she added, emphasizing that no one is safe from this ambition - even countries across Africa and the Middle East have been pulled into Moscow’s imperial strategies. 

Denmark’s delegate, also speaking for Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden, said: “What the Kremlin thought would be a three-day ‘Special Military Operation’ has now entered day 1,461.”  Peace in Ukraine must be comprehensive and respect international law, she said, calling for robust security guarantees to prevent the Russian Federation from invading Ukraine again.

“No super-Power wins a war against reality,” said the Czech Republic’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs. He addressed his remarks directly to his counterpart in Moscow, Foreign Minister Sergei Livor, asking:  “Does this war actually lead to more security for your country?”  Even great nations cannot survive wars that have no end.  “The strength of a global Power does not lie in its ability to start a foreign war,” but in its ability to end one, he stressed.

“Georgia knows firsthand the consequences of occupation,” said that country’s Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs, noting that Moscow continues its illegal military presence in his country’s Abkhazia and Tskhinvali regions.  Indeed, he stressed, Georgia knows the price of peace and will fully support the Ukrainian people.

Russia can run from the truth all it wants but it can’t hide from it. The world knows and it will remember.