Ukraine Freedom Support Act 2014: Missing only President’s OK

It was an historic nail biter.

With time running out before the midnight deadline that would have shut down the government, the House of Representatives on Thursday, December 11, kept the United States of America functioning and gave Ukraine a cornucopia of essential practical war materiel and funding to help it defend itself against Russia and stabilize its democratic government.

It was the most monumental US legislation about Ukraine since the days of congressional resolutions demanding the release of Ukrainian political prisoners in the Soviet Russian prison of nations.

The last-minute marathon of mobilizing support for the legislation was spearheaded by the Congressional Ukrainian Caucus, a bi-lateral group of legislators who support independent Ukraine, the Ukrainian National Information Service in Washington, DC, Ukrainian Americans and, thanks to social media, Ukrainians in Ukraine and around the world.

“Throughout more than three decades of my professional work, I have occasionally seen strong advocacy efforts on behalf of various Ukraine-related legislation, but never have I seen such intense, concentrated advocacy by the Ukrainian American community and other numerous friends of Ukraine as yesterday afternoon and evening to ensure House passage of S. 2828,” Ukrainian American Orest Deychakiwsky, senior ​​policy adviser of the US Helsinki Commission, was quoted as observing.

The Ukraine Freedom Support Act of 2014, passed by the US Senate and the House of Representatives, authorizes much needed practical American military aid and equipment with which Ukraine can defend itself against Russian aggression. It offers Ukraine funding and support for the country’s democratic development and civil society.

The legislation inevitably recognizes Russia’s culpability for invading and destabilizing Ukraine. It further notes that Russia is threatening Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, which must be restored. It also personally chastises Vladimir Putin for waging war against Ukraine.

The law requires the imposition of additional sanctions on Russia, particularly on Rosboronexport, Russia’s main weapons exporter, as well as increasing licensing requirements for the sale of oil extraction technology to Russia. Any Russian company exporting weapons to Syria is also liable for sanctions. In addition, the bill contained a contingency, requiring the president to sanction Gazprom in the event that it interferes with the delivery of gas supplies to NATO members or to Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova.

“This legislation is the result of months of bipartisan work in the House and Senate to send an unmistakable message to Vladimir Putin and the entire world that the United States fully supports the people of Ukraine in their desire to remain an independent, democratic nation. Putin’s blatant disregard for Ukraine’s sovereignty demanded a bold response, and that’s exactly what this bill provides. Ukrainians are willing to fight to defend their country against Russian aggression,” said Senate Foreign Relations ranking member Bob Corker (R-TN), a sponsor.
“This legislation will help the Ukrainians match the military and intelligence capability of the Russians, who have provided weapons and other lethal aid to separatists in Donetsk, Mariupol and other portions of eastern Ukraine. I appreciate the relentless efforts of my colleagues here in the House, including House Foreign Affairs Chairman Ed Royce and Reps. Marcy Kaptur (D-OH) and Eliot Engel (D-NY), to ensure Ukraine has the defense articles, services and training and intelligence information needed to defend its territory and maintain its sovereignty.  I truly believe an independent, democratic Ukraine enhances the security of the United States and offers greater economic opportunity for citizens in both countries.”
Some of the key points of the legislation are:

“It is the policy of the United States to further assist the Government of Ukraine in restoring its sovereignty and territorial integrity to deter the Government of the Russian Federation from further destabilizing and invading Ukraine and other independent countries in Central and Eastern Europe, the Caucasus, and Central Asia.

“That policy shall be carried into effect, among other things, through a comprehensive effort, in coordination with allies and partners of the United States where appropriate, that includes economic sanctions, diplomacy, assistance for the people of Ukraine, and the provision of military capabilities to the Government of Ukraine that will enhance the ability of that Government to defend itself and to restore its sovereignty and territorial integrity in the face of unlawful actions by the Government of the Russian Federation.”

“The President is authorized to provide defense articles, defense services, and training to the Government of Ukraine for the purpose of countering offensive weapons and reestablishing the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, including anti-tank and anti-armor weapons, crew weapons and ammunition, counter-artillery radars to identify and target artillery batteries, fire control, range finder, and optical and guidance and control equipment, tactical troop-operated surveillance drones, and secure command and communications equipment.”

“There are authorized to be appropriated to the Secretary of State $100,000,000 for fiscal year 2015, $125,000,000 for fiscal year 2016, and $125,000,000 for fiscal year 2017 to carry out activities under this section.”

“The President shall instruct the United States permanent representative or executive director, as the case may be, to the relevant United Nations voluntary agencies, including the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, and other appropriate international organizations, to use the voice and vote of the United States to support appropriate assistance for internally displaced persons in Ukraine.”

“The Secretary of State, the Secretary of Energy, and the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development are authorized to provide assistance in support of, and to invest in short-term solutions for, enabling Ukraine to secure the energy safety of the people of Ukraine during 2014 and 2015.

“The Secretary of State and the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development shall, directly or through nongovernmental or international organizations, such as the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the National Endowment for Democracy, and related organizations— strengthen the organizational and operational capacity of democratic civil society in Ukraine; support the efforts of independent media outlets to broadcast, distribute, and share information in all regions of Ukraine.”

“Congress makes the following findings: The Russian Federation is in violation of its obligations under the Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Elimination of Their Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles, signed at Washington December 8, 1987, and entered into force June 1, 1988 (commonly referred to as the ‘Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty’ or ‘INF Treaty’). This behavior poses a threat to the United States, its deployed forces, and its allies. SENSE OF CONGRESS.—It is the sense of Congress that— the President should hold the Russian Federation accountable for being in violation of its obligations under the INF Treaty; and the President should demand the Russian Federation completely and verifiably eliminate the military systems that constitute the violation of its obligations under the INF Treaty.”

Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Robert Menendez (D-N.J.) noted: “The US Senate stands shoulder to shoulder in solidarity with the Ukrainian government and its people against the aggression of Vladimir Putin who continues to upend the international order. Meaningful assistance for the Ukrainian people is one step closer now to becoming a reality. This legislation sends a very direct message to President Putin who must change his calculus in Ukraine and abandon this disruptive path.  The territorial integrity of Ukraine must be restored and President Putin must understand that his destabilizing actions have serious and profound consequences for his country.”

The much needed success of pro-Ukrainian legislation at the US Congress was cheered by countless in Ukraine. “It’s hard to stop the flow of thoughts regarding victory in the USA… and thanks to thousands of people, who worked for the result,” Hanna Hopko, head of Committee on Foreign Affairs in Verkhovna Rada, wrote on her Facebook.

Sen. Richard Durbin said that the Ukraine Freedom Support Act is aimed at imposing additional sanctions on Russia and curbing Russian interference.

“This legislation builds on the sanctions President Obama has issued against Russia and sends a clear message to Vladimir Putin and his allies. The United States and Ukraine have built a strong friendship and this measure would curb Russian interference as Ukraine continues to chart its own course,” the U.S.-Ukraine Foundation quoted Sen. Richard Durbin (D-IL) as saying today. “The forcible seizure of sovereign territory at Russian gunpoint has no place in today's world and violates long-established international norms. That Putin thinks such aggression will help lift the aspirations and talents of the Russian people is an insult to them and the world.”

“It’s critical we continue to increase pressure on Mr. Putin while deterring future Russian aggression in Ukraine,” said Rep. Bill Pascrell, Jr. (D-NJ).  “The people of Ukraine have suffered for too long at the hands of pro-Russian separatists, who continue to threaten stability and security in the region.  This legislation is an important step towards reaffirming the United States’ commitment to helping the people of Ukraine defend themselves and preserve their territorial integrity.”
The Russians, obviously, despised the legislation and its supporters. As a matter of fact, just as with any American action in defense of Ukraine’s independence, Ukrainian political prisoners, or today’s independent development, Moscow was livid.

“The Ukraine Freedom Support Act adopted by both houses of the US Congress without debate and proper voting cannot but produce deep regret by its overtly confrontational contents,” the Russian Foreign Ministry’s spokesman Alexander Lukashevich said in the comment.

“Once again Washington is presenting unfounded, sweeping accusations and is threatening us with new sanctions,” he said, adding that “Russia will not yield to blackmail from the United States, will not sacrifice national interests and will not allow interference into internal affairs.”

Now it’s up to President Obama, who had urged Congress not to pass the legislation. Speaking at the White House Export Council on Thursday, Obama said the legislation would be counterproductive and create divisions with Washington's European allies. He is not yet convinced that Ukraine needs military hardware and that the US should provide it.

In deciding this point, President Obama should also take into consideration America’s security and global stability if Ukraine were to be lost to Russia on his watch. What would be the balance of power if Russia re-subjugates Ukraine and soon thereafter the other former captive nations, restores the iron curtain and the prison of nations, and installs nuclear weapons across the Russian empire and its colonies from the Caucasus, to Crimea, Poland and the Baltic Sea?

A word to the wise, Mr. President, sign the Ukraine Freedom Support Act when it arrives on your desk. You can be sure that Ukrainian Americans will be telephoning, faxing, emailing, blogging, posting and tweeting their opinion that you should sign it in a momentous ceremony of Ukraine-USA partnership.

Needless Ministry Sends Wrong Message

The establishment of the Ukrainian Ministry of Information is akin to President Poroshenko and Prime Minister Yatseniuk shooting themselves in their feet.

Without exaggerating, Ukraine has enjoyed the support and sympathy of most of the world for decades. Today, thanks to Russia’s merciless invasion and war, Ukraine has been experiencing unprecedented support and sympathy among powerful global leaders, national legislatures and everyday citizens. The world has accepted that Russia is the imperial aggressor and invader and Ukraine the victim.

Consequently, there was no reason to establish a Ministry of Information which harkens to dictatorships’ desire to control everything that is written, broadcast and imagined about them. This plan doesn’t work the way it was intended to – never has and never will. Ministries of information quickly deteriorate to misinformation and mind control.

I am a press and journalist purist – “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.”

Exceptions can be made in times of national security but they must be adequately discussed, precisely explained, boundaries specified, duration established and termination indicated.

Ukraine’s ministry was adopted quickly, reportedly without details and debate, on December 2 as the government’s response to the avalanche of Russian propaganda that attempts to portray Ukraine as the perpetrator of the Russo-Ukraine War of 2014. I daresay that everyone around the world – except Russians and their diehard supporters who are in the miniscule minority of public opinion – know that Russia invaded Ukraine.

Press perfectionists immediately compared the ministry with George Orwell’s Ministry of Truth, which in the novel was a misnomer since in reality it served the opposite of its purported namesake: it was responsible for all necessary falsifications of historical events – into which ultimately evolve all similar ministries.

Yuriy Stets, 38, a former lawmaker of the Poroshenko Bloc, who worked as chief producer at Channel 5, owned by Poroshenko, was named minister of information. According to articles in Ukrainian media, he is considered to be the president’s close ally. The fast promotion of Stets as a new minister signaled that the president strongly pushed this idea and his selection sadly confirms that cronyism still exists at the highest echelons of government.

Stets assured that the new ministry is no threat, clarifying that it will only respond to foreign information attacks by creating country’s information strategy and assist communication among state bodies. Does that mean that it will form news outlets beyond the existing “official” newspapers and the National State Radio and Television Co.?

According to Oksana Grytsenko of the Kyiv Post, Stets said the ministry was going to use budget funds only for salaries of its staff and hopes to rely on foreign donors or grant money for other expenses, which he already did working as a chief of the information department of the National Guard. I don’t think that foreign donors, especially democratic ones, would consider contributing to such a ministry.

Stets claimed he needed the new ministry because while serving in the National Guard he didn’t have enough authority to resist Russian information aggression. “Every day at schools in newly liberated territories (of eastern Ukraine) we are being called junta at schools,” he said. Why not just explain to the children? If a guardsman can’t, then a ministry in Kyiv won’t be able to do so as well.

Stets said he was ready to review the ministry’s regulations, but he couldn’t delay creation of this ministry as loss of time would mean more losses in the information war. The final approval of regulations of new ministry should be complete in the next few days, he said. 

Stets said every ministry could potentially pose risks for journalists’ ability to disseminate public information. “This ministry will no way try to impose censorship or restrict freedom of speech,” he assured. Don’t promise what may be difficult to deliver.

Grytsenko’s article also pointed out that the ministry is going to “develop and implement professional standards in media sphere,” “ensure freedom of speech” and it should also prevent harm caused to people by “incomplete, outdated or unreal information.”  

Ukrainian media and civil society joined the uproar against the ministry. An appeal signed by 10 Ukrainian journalists and distributed by “Civil Portal” – civic.org stated:

“We, the representatives of institutions involved in communication with the international audience, express our protest against the idea of creating a Ministry of Information, which was announced last week.

“Our experience with international (particularly Western) journalists, diplomats, politicians, intellectuals and officials, decision makers, shows great suspicion that our foreign partners have about Ukraine’s attempts to conduct its own ‘counter-propaganda.’ Any attempt to centrally sway public information sphere is seen by our Western partners as competing with Russia in the field of propaganda by spreading false or one-sided information. And because such attempts immediately undermine confidence in the Ukrainian information sources and to Ukraine in general. This, in turn, impairs attempts to build a new image of Ukraine as a democratic and investment favorable country where the government creates an environment for free players, rather than seeking to control these players.

“We believe that the creation of the Ministry of Information is contrary to the ideals of the Revolution of Dignity. If the Dignity Revolution sought people’s oversight of state institutions, the idea of creating a Ministry Information bears the risk of state control over society in the information sector.”

The Independent Media Trade Union criticized the establishment of the ministry saying that it is undemocratic to establish a ministry first and afterward discuss the reasoning for it.

Reporters Without Borders condemned the creation of the ministry saying that it would be a major setback for freedom of information.

“We urge parliamentarians to reject this bill on second reading, as it is incompatible with the government’s obligations to protect freedoms. International conventions ratified by Ukraine stress that any restrictions on media activity must, under all circumstances, be necessary and proportionate,” said Johann Bihr, the head of the Reporters Without Borders Eastern Europe and Central Asia desk.

The only truth in the desire to establish a Ministry of Information in Ukraine is the massive mendacious Russian propaganda machine that has been spewing lies and fabrications about Ukraine (and other Russia detractors) since before the start of the Russo-Ukraine War of 2014. But the untruths have only fallen on the minds of complacent Russians, who blindly endorse everything that Putin is doing.

Putin is attempting to have media portray him in favorable colors. To do that, he has been destroying media freedom in Russia. The Kremlin has enacted numerous media laws under Putin that criminalize libel (which has been used as a pretext to silence opposition journalists and civil society), restrict access, and otherwise curtail media freedoms. The remaining Russian journalists with integrity have been targeted with violence and even murder.

Russian journalists, newspapers and broadcasters have discredited themselves by obeying Putin’s instructions. With journalist badges on their shoulders, they have been known to pick up automatic weapons and shoot at Ukrainian soldiers and civilians rather than take notes for their so-called stories.

And the world is well aware of this.

“As part of its drive to undo the post-Cold War settlement, Russia has launched a global media campaign to vindicate its actions in Ukraine. It is based on the Kremlin’s narrative of victimhood, in which the West takes advantage of Russia’s weakness following the implosion of the Soviet Union. These arguments, however, are deeply flawed. Moreover, Russian international media do not abide by Western journalistic ethics and standards. The West, therefore, has to systematically refute this storyline and hold Russian media accountable when they transgress the prevailing norms of due accuracy and due impartiality, or give undue prominence to certain standpoints,” observed Patrick Nopens in an Edgemont Institute series on current events.

Two more examples:

“Disseminating propaganda and misinformation through media is a crucial component of Russia’s integration of soft power and hard power tools, enabling Russia to apply greater force against its adversaries. The U.S. should take robust steps to counter Russian propaganda and to safeguard Western security and the transatlantic alliance,” opined Daniel Kochis, a Research Assistant in the Margaret Thatcher Center for Freedom, of the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for National Security and Foreign Policy, at The Heritage Foundation.

Finally, US Ambassador to Ukraine Geoffrey Pyatt observed this past October: “Our best weapon in dealing with this, in answering this campaign of misdirection, of course, is the truth.”

Indeed. We, in the United States, have a concept called the “sunshine laws,” which means that no lie can live forever, causing harm, destruction and death with impunity. Lies will wither when confronted with truth and free media is the sunshine that wilts lies.

Ukrainian news media together with reliable journalists from around the world have been doing a fantastic job reporting about the Russo-Ukraine War of 2014, the Russian invasion Crimea and eastern Ukraine, the Russian destruction of Indonesian flight MH-17 killing nearly 300 civilians, the Russian murder by starvation of millions of Ukrainians, and so on.

The war has been going on for some nine months and throughout that period, as I have written, there has been a resolute shining light of truthfulness, facts and integrity in explaining and reporting the war: Col. Andriy Lysenko, spokesman for the National Security and Defense Council Information Center. He is professional and credible right down to the dispassionate tone of his voice. Does he toe the government’s line, yes. That’s his job. But he doesn’t embellish or lie. His evenhanded glare could vaporize Russian lies in a second. Give him more exposure rather than create a dubious bureaucratic machine whose historic mission has been to mislead.

As in all cases related to press and news media, but especially now, when Russian lies are rampant and the world’s eyes are upon Russia and Ukraine, the best weapons to fight Russian pernicious propaganda and falsehoods are truth, honesty and transparency, not by trying to beat Russia at its own game.

Finally, Ukraine has a New, Complete Leadership

In the midst of a tumultuous year, filled with instability, political upheavals and revolution, intrigue, treason, treachery, political and national rebirth, national consolidation, corruption, killings, two elections, brutal occupation of Ukrainian lands, a new government and a savage Russian war, the Ukrainian nation still has been making significant strides toward democracy, political stability, reinforcing its sovereignty and severing its chains with Russia.

And that should be the takeaway of the past 12 months.

Notwithstanding pundits’ premature, unfair grumblings and warnings about the revolution’s failure because of the erratic pace of transformations, the Ukrainian nation and its leaders understand clearly the dire consequences of defeat.

First, it would surely mean satisfying Putin’s goal of re-subjugating Ukraine in the Russian prison of nations. It would mean the return of corruption, dictatorship, russification, de-nationalization and economic stagnation. These reasons are enough to keep everyone’s – or almost everyone’s – eyes focused on that target and overcoming all obstacles.

The presidential elections in May brought to power a nationally aware, business oriented, pro-NATO and EU president. The parliamentary elections in October assembled deputies, the majority of who have the same profile. Political parties in favor of closer links to the EU and NATO won an absolute victory in the Verkhovna Rada, handing President Petro Poroshenko a mandate to end the domestic and external conflict and steer the Ukraine away from Russia’s orbit toward Europe.

In the past few months, Poroshenko and Prime Minister Arseniy Yatseniuk have demonstrated single mindedness in policies and ideas and the ability to lead the country without divisive, public squabbles. This mature conduct at the pinnacle of government authority is exactly what the nation needs at a time of war with Russia and domestic instability. Any sign of discord will be exacerbated by Ukraine’s internal and external enemies that are stage-managed by Russia.

Last week, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine resumed its constitutionally mandated deliberations and the first item on the agenda was the selection and adoption of a new government. Western media took note of the pervasive pomp, ceremony and expressions of unity that characterized the first day’s session.

More than two-thirds of the 450 legislators voted for Yatseniuk to remain as head of government, a post he has held since the Maidan Revolution ousted Viktor Yanukovych. Yatseniuk raised his hand to the president and declared to cheers: “Here is my hand for carrying out all that you have just said from this tribune. This is our joint responsibility,” he added before striding over to Poroshenko and warmly embracing him.

Regardless if it was staged or sincere, Ukrainian leaders are honor bound to display unity and steadfast dedication to the cause of strengthening the nation, subduing Russia, rooting out corruption and cronyism, and leading Ukraine toward acceptance by the EU.

The president and prime minister have unprecedented backing beyond the nation. The five-party coalition is expected be the most stable and powerful pro-western administration Ukraine has had in 23 years of independence, enjoying a two-thirds majority in parliament.

Poroshenko outlined a strong reformist agenda during the inaugural parliamentary session, calling for the immediate overhaul of a justice system that he decried as corrupted from the top down. He warned that the justice system’s corruption and deficiencies posed a national security risk.

“It is quite clear that the primary reason for the low standard of life of the majority of Ukrainians is the totally corrupted government apparatus,” he was quoted as saying.

He further said a successful reform program would enable Ukraine to consider applying for European Union membership within five years. With a doubt, European affiliation would give Ukraine a major economic and political shot in the arm. Even the preparation phase ahead of acceptance will benefit officials and people.

Poroshenko said Ukraine is enjoying a unique chance thanks to the responsible Ukrainian people to fulfill what he called a simple formula: “to avert the threat and use the chance.”

Emphasizing his intention to maintain amicable relations with parliament, Poroshenko said: “I am a reliable ally of the parliament in the implementation of reformatory, pro-European coalition agreement. I will be guided by the Constitution of Ukraine, which clearly, or relatively clearly, distributes powers and responsibilities. I will do everything possible for the coordinated work of Verkhovna Rada, the President and the Cabinet of Ministers.”

That is the measurement of success passionately and unequivocally demanded by the Ukrainian people.

“Our policy must be aimed at gradual movement from the country of the Revolution of Dignity to the Country of Dignity itself. I want you to remember those who sacrificed their lives for Ukraine every time you enter this hall. It is also related to me when I enter the administration on Bankova Street. You must remember those who died hundreds of kilometers away and those who died a few blocks away from here, on the Heavenly Hundred's alley. You must also remember those who are alive and need efficient governance, successful reforms, developed economy, social guarantees and justice,” Poroshenko appealed.

Yatseniuk, the 40-year-old bureaucrat from Vinnytsia, said the new government should work to pull the country back from the brink of collapse. Indeed, he has been doing a good job leading the government through hellfire and brimstone.

“On our shoulders rests the weight of historical responsibility -- to preserve the state and win our independence,” Yatseniuk told lawmakers ahead of the vote, adding, “Ukraine is at war, people are in trouble and it depends on us to stop the aggression.”

“We have faced external aggression, namely a Russian military invasion, which is nothing else than an encroachment on the territorial integrity of Ukraine and our independence. It is an attempt to destroy Ukraine. They can fight with our army and, probably, they can defeat it, but they can never defeat the Ukrainian people and the Ukrainian nation,” he said.
Yatseniuk tasked the members of the Cabinet of Ministers with developing an Action Program, which will include their top three priorities for 2015 and how to implement them. He outlined his vision in hands-on terms:

“Every minister has full authority in the ministry as well as full responsibility. You are selecting your deputies, as well as managers. The parliament demands of me, I demand of you. And the Ukrainian people demand of us.

“On our further work. We will hold a special cabinet meeting on the Action Program of the Government of Ukraine. This program must meet the key goals and objectives, I emphasize once again, there are five of them.

“The first issue, national security and defense.

“The second issue, economy, reform of the tax system and reform of the single social tax.

“The third, the fight against corruption.

“The fourth, energy. We need to complete the reform of the energy system of Ukraine, most of all I worry about the deficit of the National Joint Stock Company Naftogaz Ukrainy, which exceeds the state budget deficit. While the public deficit is now UAH 68 billion, the deficit of Naftogaz UAH makes up UAH103 billion.

“And the last issue on the agenda is public administration reform.

“These five key tasks have to be in the Action Program of the Government and, dear friends, we have not time to ‘warm up,’ we only have time for specific actions as well as the results of these actions.”

• To these goals, I’d add for the record:
• Defeat, subdue and expel Russia from Ukraine.
• Complete EU accession requirements.
• Bring to justice in Ukraine all criminals, traitors and Maidan killers who fled the country.
• Formally designate Ukraine’s geopolitical alignment.
• Give oblasts, cities and local municipalities authority similar to America.

Poroshenko’s plan to appoint Ukrainians from the diaspora to serve in the government was approved. He granted citizenship to Georgia-born Aleksandr Kvitashvili to serve as health minister, US-national Natalie Jaresko, who hails from Chicago, to be finance minister, and Lithuanian Aivaras Abromavicius to serve as economics minister.

“There are absolutely extraordinary challenges facing Ukraine – an extremely difficult economic situation, Russian aggression, the need for radical reform and the fight against corruption. All this requires innovative solutions in the government,” Poroshenko explained, hopefully adding that not having been associated with Ukraine’s life may have excluded them from the country’s old-boy network.

Speaking of the law on the National Anti-corruption Bureau that will soon enter into force, Poroshenko also offered to appoint a foreign person as head of the given bureau. “This person will have one advantage – absence of ties in the Ukrainian political elite,” he noted.

On a very practical level, parliament and the cabinet are tasked with holding together a collapsing economy.

“Ukraine is in a vicious financial crisis. Threatened constantly by Russian military aggression, the country faces a financial meltdown within the next four months,” economist Anders Aslund observed in a column last week. “At the end of October, its international reserves fell to $12.6 billion, below the threshold considered critical for solvency. The hryvnia exchange rate is falling exponentially. As a consequence, most of Ukraine’s banks are collapsing. The public debt is skyrocketing and is likely to double to about 80% of GDP this year. Inflation is set to rise to 24% this year and then surge further.”

However, the new parliament will not be a lovefest. The strongest opposition to the pro-EU majority’s plans will come from discredited allies of Yanukovych and ex-members of his disgraced Regions Party, which dominated Ukrainian politics until the revolution. His former supporters heaped all the blame for the uprising and its bloody conclusion on the protesters and ousted president personally, and reconvened in a new party called Opposition Bloc.

Among newly elected leaders of the Verkhovna Rada is Volodymyr Hroysman who was elected speaker. A Jew by heritage, Hroysman, 36, is considered the third-most important post in the country after the prime minister and president, and is the first to stand in for the president if the head of state is unable to fulfill his duties. He was previously mayor of the central city of Vinnytsia and joined the government in February 2014 as deputy prime minister for regional policy. His appointed is noteworthy in the wake of Russian accusations of Ukrainian anti-Semitism.

Parliament endorsed Pavlo Klimkin to remain as foreign minister. His contributions in that capacity since the spring have been in line with nation’s view of Ukraine’s national, pro-EU & NATO vector. Colonel-General Stepan Poltorak was endorsed as defense minister. He became commander of the Ukrainian National Guard on March 19, 2014, and previously he was commander of the Ukrainian Interior Ministry's Interior Troops for the period between February 28, 2014 and March 12, 2014. He also served as superintendent of the Interior Minister Academy in Kharkiv.

An airborne officer from Lviv, however, in an email to me cautioned that Poltorak, 49, belongs to the old-boy network of technocrats, bureaucrats, diplomats and career military officers, stemming from the days when he was a captain. This fraternity does not shy away from graft and favoritism.

“It is sad that key posts are still awarded on the basis of personal loyalty rather than professional ability,” he said.

Two of the nation’s demands of their new leadership, beyond national awareness, pro-NATO and EU, and distancing Ukraine from Russia, have been political unity in the hallowed halls of government, and an end to cronyism and corruption, and transparency. Cronyism, especially, is a sin that the new officials of new Ukraine must avoid.  

Maidan ousted Yanukovych in February and sought to sweep away the corrupt and treasonous political elite. However, Ukraine’s new leaders are still viewed with suspicion by millions of compatriots who brought them to power but still question their appetite for radical change.

Fortunately there are parliamentarians who seem to be ready and willing to remind officials regularly of the people’s skepticism. Among them is Volodymyr Parasiuk, known as “sotnyk” during Maidan, one of its heroes who publicly threatened Yanukovych to leave Kyiv or else. In His Facebook post last week, he said:

“I will never let anybody besmirch the illustrious glory of Maidan. For this is the basis of our struggle and only the power, given to us at the cost of the lives by our heroes, that makes our nation move forward.

“Volodymyr Hroysman will either be a normal head of parliament or he’ll go away. Because the demand of every Ukrainian is transparency and fairness in adopting any decision. If you want to run the state – run it; want to assume responsibility for it, assume it. But you will do it correctly and not how you want to do it,” he said.

Parasiuk added that he came to the Verkhovna Rada to “break the system and I will do it any way possible and accessible for a deputy.
In a guest column in The Wall Street Journal on December 5, Poroshenko wrote: “On the external front, we are united in fighting for our freedom and for our future as an independent nation—a fight that has implications for all of Europe and global security. Domestically, the new government’s attack on inefficiency and corruption will further bind Ukrainians together. The Gospel teaches us that a kingdom divided against itself cannot stand. We won’t give this chance to the enemy. Day by day, Ukrainians are unifying as citizens, as governors and as Europeans.”

Ukrainian soldiers and civilians have been doing their share for Ukraine. They have been expressing their will, fighting, dying and giving their mandates. Now it’s time for the three branches of government to stand up and do their share without excuses and explanations.